























\ . x s 





















































































































,\\ 




























<f> 




































<t> A N 































































































































[All Rights Reserved.] 

ANTIQUITIES: 

CONSISTING OF 

TRANSLATIONS OF SOME THREE HUNDRED INEDITED CHARTERS AND DEEDS, 

DATING FROM A.D. 1171, HAVING MANY AUTOGRAPHS AND SEALS. 

AND CONTAINING REFERENCE TO THE 

MARMION, MONTFORT, DEVEREUX, AND OTHER FAMILIES; 

ORIGIN OF STONEHENGE AND SIMILAR REMAINS ; 

TUMULI, OR GRAVE MOUNDS, RECENTLY DISCOVERED IN THE MIDLANDS; 

ROYAL CASTLE OF BROMWICH ; 

VISITS OF SHAKSPEARE TO PARK HALL ; 

MORDERAY SHACKSPEARE AND CATHERINE SADLER ; 

WAGER OF BATTLE; EARLY ANGLO-HEBREW CHRISTIANS; 

OCCUPANCY AND OWNERSHIP OF LAND FROM THE CONQUEST: 

ROMAN COINS RECENTLY DISCOVERED; 

HOARSTONES; SURVEY OF SOME ROMAN ROADS; 

WITH MAPS AND FAC- SIMILE OF AN ANCIENT CHARTER AND DEED. &c. 

BY 

CHRISTOPHER CHATTOGK, 

Surveyor, and a Contributor for several years to "Notes and Queries" on Anglo-Saxon 

and other antiquarian subjects. 



•Esto Perpetua."— Vet er. Sarpi's Last Prayer for his Country. 



BIRMINGHAM : 
PRINTED BY WHITE AND PIKE, MOOR STREET PRINTING WORKS, 

AND 

PUBLISHED BY CORNISH BROTHERS, NEW STREET. 

1884. 






THE LIBRARY 
OF CONGRESS 



WASHINGTON 



DEDICATION. 



To Professor F. Max Muller, M.A. (Comparative Philology), 
Oxford, this volume (trivial tribute though it be) is respectfully 
dedicated by the Author, in admiration of his great works, and in 
gratitude for the pleasure derived from them. 

It has become impossible to disassociate the term German Pro- 
fessor from profundity and perspicuity, and as in this case the 
Professorship is that of Comparative Philology, we, through our pedigree 
of Old English, Anglo-Saxon, and the Teutonic, are inspired with the 
reverence due to the utterances of such an expositor upon the subject 
of our mother tongue. 



SUMMAEY OF CONTENTS. 



Chapter 1. — Origin of the place names Albion, 
Britain, Bretayne, and England, pp. 2 to 6. 
Early occupation of the Country, pp. 6, 7. Wat- 
ling Street, &c, pp. 7 to 12, Barrows, &c, pp. 12 
to 15. Stonehenge, Avebury, &c, pp. 15 to 23. 
Wroxeter, pp. 24 to 28. Wall and Chesterfield, 
pp. 26, 27. The lost Roman Station near Bir- 
mingham, pp. 27, 28, 33. 01dbury,Wednesbury, 
and Wall, pp. 29, 30. Walsall, Knave's Castle, 
Rushall, and Castle Old Fort, pp. 30, 31. Bar 
Beacon, 31, 32. Roman Cam]) at Oldford, pp. 34, 
35. Roman Coins found there, p. 35. Bar, Wall, 
and Wallingford, pp. 35. 36. Wroxall and Dig- 
beth, p. 37. Origin of the name of Birmingham, 
pp. 37 to 43 ; Leamington, 43. 

Chapter 2. — Translations, Copies, and Abstracts of 
the Charters, Deeds, and Assessments, &c, pp. 
45 to 124. Dates and descriptions of old 
Charters, p. 46. Castle of Bromwich, p. 46. Hay 
(Hceg), etymon, and meaning of, pp. 47, 48. 
Early mention of Mounfort (Montfort) Family, 
p. 49. Married Priests, p. 49. Mill of Brom- 
wich, p. 50. Steehford, 51. Erdington Moats, 
52. Polesworth, 53. Arden, p. 58. Marmion, 
and old Charter, dated Burmingham (A.D. 12S9) 
pp. 59, 60. Old Charter (A D. 1301) as to Chapel 
of Wodybromwig, p. 61. Park Hall, pp. 62, 63. 
Dating old Charters on Sundays, &c, p. 66. 
Hay of Coventry, p. 73. Old field Names, p. 74. 
Handsworth, p. 74. Water Orton, p. 76. Hoar- 
stone, 80. Chaplain of Bromwich, p. 81. Thomas 
Erdington, Knight, p. 82. The Hall of Water 
Orton", p. 83. Old Marl Pit, p. 84. Ashford and 
Thornton Families, pp. 86, 87. Curious old Roll, 
p. 88. Old Birmingham Will, p. 90. Ditto, 91, 
92, in which " Newe Street " occurs A D. 1595. 
Babington v. Chattock, A.D. 1601, p. 93. 
Bishop Smallbrook Family, p. 93. Hoarstone 
held. p. 93. Origin of Acock's Green, p. 94. 
Balsall Manor Customs, p. 95. Sir H. Arden, p. 
95. Chadallfield, p. 97. Erie, Dymock, Dever- 
eux and Holden Families, p. 98. " Freeland " 
and " Hodge," page 99. "Hop Ground," near 
Birmingham, in A.D. 1642, p. 101. " Antient 
Inheritence," p. 101. " Cunningrey," Cony 
Green, p. 102. Lord Hereford, A.D. 1649, p. 
103. Harrows, pp. 103, 104. Curious old Will, 
A.D. 1657, pp. 104 to 107. Old Inventory, p. 
108. Old Fire Grate, A. D. 1603. pp. 109, 110. 
Old field Names, p. 111. Curious Apprentice 
(parish) "Indenture," pp. 112, 113. Old 
Assessments, p. 113. Old "Levy," p. 116. 
Ditto, pp. 117, 118. 

Chapter 3. — Additional Notes, Dugdale's Writings, 
pp. 125 to 138. Fac-simile of Warwickshire 
Domesday, pp. 138 to 140. Roman Invasion, 
pp. 140, 141. Hutton on Old Roads, pp. 141, 
142. Romans, Saxons, and Danes, pp. 142 to 
146. Birmingham and District, formerly Royal 
Demesne of Mercia, pp. 147 to 154. 



Chapter 4.- — Avebury, origin of, name of, pp. 155 to 
157. Stonehenge, Avebury, Classeniss, Balbec, 
and Palmyra, ruins of, pp. 157 to 160. The 
original covering to Stonehenge and Avebury, 
pp. 163 to 166. The earliest interments, pp. 166 
to 171. Icknield Street, origin of, pp. 171, 172. 
Digbeth, pp. 172 to 175. Birmingham, pp. 175, 
176. Deritend, pp. 176 to 178. Balsall Heath, 
178. Handsworth, Hockley, 178. Aston, 178 
to 180. Saltley, 181. 

Chapter 5.— Secondary Roman Roads and Stations. 
Monkspath Street, Warwick and Roman Camps, 
pp. 183 to 185. "Old Chester Road," pp. 186,187. 
Ridgeway and Portway, pp. 187, 188. Old Battle 
Fields, pp. 188 to 192. Sheldon, pp. 192, 193. 
Tile Cross, p. 193. Grimstock Hill, Lost ill, 
Hams Hall, Berkswell, Erdington, pp. 194 to 196. 
Washwood Heath and the hanging of " Jack and 
Tom " and eight forgers thereon, pp. 196, 197. 
Yard ley, p. 197. Moseley, King's Heath, Sutton 
Coldfield, pp. 198, 199. Maxtocke, Little Brom- 
wich, or Ward End, p. 199. 

Chapter 6. — Royal Castle of Bromwich, Visits of 
Shakspeare to the Ardens of Park Hall, Wnger 
of Battle, or the Abraham Thornton and Mary 
Ashford Case, pp. 200 to 218. An old Field 
Name, p. 201. Erdington and Bromford, p. 202. 
Old Mill at Castle Bromwich, p. 209. Ditto 
Well, pp. 209, 210. Coleshill Old Hall, pp. 210, 
211. Aston Registers, p. 214. Park Hall, p. 
216. Royal Demesne, pp. 216, 217. 

Chapter 7. — " Cerdic's Shore " of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, pp. 219 to 230. Letter of Professor 
Bosworth, p. 219. Wessex, p. 222. Dorset and 
Hants, Early Mints in Dorset, pp. 228 to 230. 

Chapter 8.— Bar Beacon, pp. 231 to 233. Qucelet, 
p. 233. Wall and Chesterfield, 235. Roman 
Coins, pp. 235, 236. Digbeth, pp. 236, 237. 
Beorm-ing-ham, 237 to 241. Solihull, pp. 241, 
242. Balsall, p. 242. Beacons, pp. 242, 243. 
Pedimore Hall, pp. 243, 244. Aston Registers, 
244. Castle Bromwich Mill, 244. Old Assess- 
ments, pp. 245 to 247. Roman Roads, pp. 247 
to 250. The so-called " De " Birmingham 
Family, pp. 251, 252. 

Chapter 8a. — Notes as to Marmion and Montfort 
Families, Records of early Anglo-Hebrew 
Christians, Unique case of ownership and occu- 
pancy by one family of Alodium, Franc Alond, 
or Free Land from the Conquest, pp. 252 to 284. 

Chapter 9.— Roman arms found at Castle Bromwich, 
also barrow, pp. 285, 286. A Battlefield, p. 287. 
Tumulus, pp. 288, 289. Roman, Celtic, and 
Saxon barrows, pp. 290, 291 to 296. Hoarstones, 
p. 294. " Hodge," meaning of, p. 296. 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 



Albright, A., Esq., Mariemont, Edgbaston. 

Allsopp, Sir H., Bart., Hindlip Hall, Worcester- 
shire. 

Anderton, T., Esq., Hagley. 

Atkins, J.. Esq., Hampton House, Malvern. 

Avery, T., Esq., J. P., Edgbaston. 

Barker, J., Esq., Coleshill. 

Barrow, Mr. Alderman, Bull Street. 

Beale, Mrs. C. Hutton, Erdington. 

Bickley, Mr. B., Moseley. 

Blewitt, M. J., Esq., Waterloo Street. 

Bosworth, Mr., The Firs, Castle Bromwich. 

Bradbury, Mr., Gooch Street. 

Bright, Right Hon. J., M.P., Rochdale. 

Buncher, W., Esq., Handsworth. 

Camm, Mr. T. W., Smethwick. 

Chamberlain, Right Hon. J., M.P., Prince's 
Gardens, London. 

Chatwin, J. A., Esq., Erdington. 

Chittock, J. C, Esq., Solicitor, Eaton, Norwich. 

Collins, J. T., Esq., J. P., Edgbaston. 
Colman, J. J., Esq., M.P., Norwich. 
Corbett, Cameron, Esq., Moxall Hall, Warwick- 
shire. 
Cossins, J. A., Esq., Corporation Street. 
Cottrell, W., Esq., Erdington, 
Cotterell, G., Esq., Haunch Hall, Lichfield. 
Cowper, Hon. H., M.P., Brockett Hall. 
Day, Mr. E., Warstone Lane. 
Day, Mr. W., Water Orton. 
Derrington, Messrs., Dartmouth Street. 
Downing, Mr., New Street (two copies). 
Dugdale, S., Esq., Blythe Hall, Coleshill. 
Duignan, W. H., Esq!, Rushall Hall. 
Gibson, J., Esq., Great Queen Street, London. 
Goodman, Mr. J., Castle Street. 
Hadley, F., Esq., Hampstead. 
II baton, H., Esq., J. P., Harborne. 
Heywood, S., Esq., Stanhope Street, London. 
Holden E. T., Esq., J P., Great Barr. 
Hill, Mr. J., Perry Barr. 
Horsfall, J., Esq., Moseley. 
Hutton, W., Esq., Ward End Hall. 
Ingleby, C. M., Esq., LL.D., Ilford, Essex. 
Jelf, John, Esq., Birchfields. 
Johnson, G. J., Esq., Waterloo Street. 
Keeling, Mr. J., Lea Marston. 
Kenward, J., Esq., F.S.A., Harborne. 
Kynnersley, T. C. S., Esq., J. P., Moseley. 
Lane, Colonel, King's Bromley Manor, Lichfield. 
Lamrert, G., Esq., F.S.A., Coventry Street, London 
Legh, H. O, Esq., Knutsford, Cheshire. 
Lewis, Rev. L., M.A., Ockbrook, Derby. 
Leverett, Rev. J., M.A., Moseley. 
Lloyd, J. H., Esq., Edgbaston Grove. 



Lubbock, Sir J., Bart., M.P., Hayes, Kent. 
Manley, J., Esq., Harborne. 
Marigold, J., Esq., Newhall Street. 
Marmion, Rev. R. W., M.A., Guernsey. 
Martineau, R. F., Esq., Highfield Road. 
Melsom, Mr. H., Stratford Road. 
Middlemore, T., Esq., Holloway Head. 
Osborn, Mr. G. H., Perry Barr. 
Palmer, S. F., Esq., 86, New Street. 
Parsons, C. T. , Esq. , Edgbaston. 
Pattlson, Mr. James, New Street. 
Pemberton, Oliver, Esq., J. P., Edgbaston. 
Phillipps, J. 0. Halliwell, Esq., LL.D., 

Brighton. 
Pole, Rev. E., M.A., Rackenford, Devon, 
Porter, Mr. Paxton, Wordsworth Road. 
Rabone, Mr. John, Hampstead Road. 
Rabone, Mr. H. J., Hockley Abbey Works. 
Reynolds, Frederick, Esq., King's Norton. 
Robinson, T. W., Esq., Houghton-le-Spring. 
Robinson, Br^ok, Esq., Warwick. 
Robnett, Mr. G., Sutton Coldfield. 
Sadler, R. H., Esq., Sutton Coldfield. 
Sadler, R. S., Esq., Sutton Coldfield. 
Sadler, Mr. F., High Street, Birmingham. 
Simcox, J. W., Esq., M.A., Kyotts Lake House, 

Hall Green. 
Smith, E. 0., Esq., Council House. 
Smith, Mr. Edwin, Elvetham Road. 
South all, Mr. W., Bull Street, Birmingham. 
Southall, Mr. A., Bull Street, Birmingham. 
Spencer, T. E., Esq., Bennett's Hill. 
Stanley, J., Esq., The Beeches, Norwich. 
Stone, J. B., Esq., J. P., Erdington. 
Stone, J. IL, Esq., J. P., Handsworth. 
Stock, T. S., Esq., J. P., The Priory, Northfield. 
Swinburne, Mr. J. F., Russell Street. 
Tangye, R., Esq., J. P., Gilbertstone. 
Taylor, Mr. S. S., Builder, Knowle. 
Thomason, Yeoville, Esq., Bennett's Hill. 
Till, W., Spooner, Esq., Council House. 
Timmins, Samuel, Esq., J. P., F.S.A., Arley, 

near Coventry. 
Tonks, Mr. T., Harborne. 
Turner, James, Esq., Erdiugton. 
Wakefield, Thomas, Esq., Minworth. 
Watson, G. L. , Esq., Rockingham Castle, North- 
amptonshire. 
White, Mr. Alderman, Moor Street. 
Williams, O, Esq., Moseley Lodge. 
Wilson, Wright, Esq., Surgeon, Birmingham. 
Wilson, Mr. James, Sparkbrook (two copies). 
Wood, R., Esq., J. P., Plumpton Hall, Haywood, 

Manchester. 
Yates, J. W., Esq., Erdington. 



IN DEX. 



A. 

Aaron, pp. 267. 

Abel, 58, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 

76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85 

89, 90, 109, 120, 247, 266, 267, 

278. 
Abingdon (Earl), 130. 
Abraham, 162, 167, 267. 
Acock, 93, 94, 112. 
Adam, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 56, 58, 

59, 60, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 

71, 72, 73, 266, 267, 268. 
Adamson, 267. 

Adcock, 71, 73, 113, 245, 280. 
Addyes, 98. 
Adrian 272. 

Agricola, 141, 234, 248. 
Aldwyth, 54, 59, 65. 
Alexander, 7, 160. 
Alfred, 19, 52. 
Aleyne (Allen), 49, 50, 51, 71, 79, 

91. 
Alice, 49, 57, 60, 61, 72, 73. 
Almey, 120. 
Alsi, 136. 
Alsop, 115. 
Ambrosias, 15. 

Andrews, 80, 117, 118, 246, 268. 
Ansel, 70, 268. 
Angnlns, 4. 
Anslem, 49, 50, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 

65, 70. 
Antoninus, 226. 
Antonius, 236. 
Archer, 128, 130, 134. 
Arden, 90, 91, 95, 244, 259, 260. 
Arthur, 19, 226. 
Ash, 54. 
Ashford, 86, 87, 93, 94, 98, 100, 

203-4. 
Ashton, 122. 
Astbury, 102, 110, 114. 



Astley, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123. 

Athehverd, 219, 221. 

Atterbury, 121. 

Atock, 88, 92. 

Aurelian, 160, 161. 

Aurelius, 236. 

Azor, 132, 266. 

B 

Baden, 99. 

Balam, 267. 

Bagott, 246. 

Bakewell, 94, 95. 

Baldwin, 67, 127, 133, 2S2. 

Baly, 119, 120. 

Banks, 111, 113. 

Banner, 114, 115, 117, 122, 246. 

Barber, 121. 

Barnes, 99, 121, 150, 226, 246. 

Baron, 82. 

Barrow, 246. 

Barrows, 118. 

Bartholomew, 267. 

Bartlett, 199, 263. 

Barweyt, 97. 

Bassano, 107. 

Bassett, 38, 52. 

Bate, 49, 67, 68, 71. 

Bateman, 17, 19, 168, 291. 

Batkin, 118. 

Baxter, 123, 195, 224. 

Baylis, 101. 

Bede, 6, 164, 223. 

Belamy, 55, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 73, 

75. 
Bell, 83, 84, 99. 
Bennett, 88, 89, 266, 268. 
Berkley, 114, 115. 
Berry, 117, 246. 
Biddidph, 117, 119, 246. 
Billingsley, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 

112. 



Bilson, 246. 

Birch, 112, 247. 

Birinus, 217. 

Blakeway, 267, 277, 281. 

Blandell, 109. 

Blaye, 98. 

Blomfield, 40, 48, 60, 266, 278, 

279, 280, 281. 
Blounts, 70, 113, 266. 
Bloxiche, 99 
Bloxham, 247. 
Blund, 267, 268. 
Blythe, 118, 246. 
Boadicea, 15. 
Bochart, 2, IS. 
Bodunhale, 80. 
Booth, 103, 126. 
Bolton, 114, 115. 
Boull, 90. 
Bosworth, 3S, 103, 150, 218, 219, 

240, 244, 247. 
Boswell, 39. 
Bourn, 123. 
Bracebridge, 246. 
Bradgate, 122. 
Bradshaw, 95. 
Bradwell, 80, 83, 84. 
Braken, 75. 
Brandwood, 83, 96, 100, 109, 112, 

114. 
Brasebridge, 113, 117, 119, 137, 

247. 
Brawdrok, SO. 
Brenand, 113. 
Brett, 118. 
Brewster, 231. 

Brid, 49, 62, 72, 73, 78, 267, 268. 
Bridgeman, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112 

116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 204 

245, 246. 
Bridgwood, 124. 
Brinley, 115. 
Briskoe, 113, 245. 



INDEX. 



Britun, 49, 62, 64, 67, 71, 266, 268. 

Brocket, 121, 122. 

Brockhurst, 7.".. 

Broke, Brooks, 88, 97, 109, 113, 
117, 24 i r >, 276. 

Brome, 109, 118. 

Bryant, 15. 

Bucknell, 98. 

Bull, 88, 100. 102, 103, 105, 106, 
107. 108, 109. 110, 118, 121, 
122, 246, 247. 
Burdon, 78. 
Burns, 257. 
Burrows, 93. 
Burt, 46. 
Burton, 87, 113, 114, 117, 118, 121, 

245. 246. 
Butler, 118, 124, 246, 25S. 
Byddle, 89. 

Bygge, Bigg, Bigs, 79. si, 85. 
Byrche, 98, 101. 
Byron, 10, 20, 162. 

c 

C.khmox, 164. 

Cade, 17,2. 

Calwin, 230. 

Caesar, 7, 18, 19, 29, 156, 195, 224, 

234, 248. 
Camden, 2, 30, 38, 67, 122, 184, 

195, 221, 243, 248. 
Cameron, 133. 
Campbell, t. 
Canute, 48. 

Caractacus, 138, 155, 166, 276. 
Carausius, 7. 138. 
Carlez, Carless, 88, 121, 122. 
Carte, 6, 220, 223, 224. 
Cartwriglit, 87. 
Cassius (D. ), 8, 41, 172. 
Cater, 117, 245, 217. 
Cayley, 119. 
Cerdic, 19, 156, 219, 221, 222, 223 

224, 225, 226, 229, 230, 240, 

248. 
Certic. 220. 
Chad, 135, 230. 
Chadborn, 122. 
Chaddock, 123, 270, 273, 282. 



Challenor, 107, 110. 
Charnock, 38, 239. 
Chattok, 47, 48, 49, 63, 64, 68, 71, 
72,73, 74, 75, 76,77, 78, 79, 80. 
Chattock, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 
87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 
95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 
103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 
121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126. 
133, 149, 157, 178, 205, 206, 
207, 213, 214, 216, 218, 219, 
243, 245, 246, 247, 255, 256, 
257, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 
267, 269, 270, 273. 275, 279, 
282, 283, 284, 296. 

Chatwin, 244. 

Cheder, 75, 81. 

Chesney, 208. 

Chittoek, 251, 266, 279, 281, 382. 

Christiana, 54. 

Cinric, 229, 230. 

Cissor (Hamon), 268. 

Claudius, 235. 

Claridge, 123. 

Clebsey, 119. 

Cleopatra, 16. 

Clopson. 116, 246. 

Coke, 243. 

Cole, 48. 

Colemon, 55, 58, 65, 66, 71. 

Colmer, 100. 

Colmore, 90. 

Collins, 76, 101, 102. 

C sson, 110, 245. 

Compson, 110. 

Compton, 132. 

Congreve, 285. 

Constantine, 7. 

Cook, 99, 213. 

Cooper, 71, 72, 73, 78, 79, 81, 90, 
96, 120, 128, 240, 247. 

Cynegils, 227. 

Cophis, 267, 282. 

Corbet, 281. 

Corffe, 82. 

Cossans, 232. 

Cotrell, 93, 96, 102, 106, 110, 111, 
115, 246. 



Couper, 87. 

Cowpcr, 1, 45, 83, 88, 93, 96, 101, 

237. 
Cowther, 122. 
Cox, 122. 
Creech, 219. 
Crida, 10, 60, 135, 144, 146, 14!', 

150, 152, 153, 184, 191, 200, 

201, 217, 218. 
Croft, 55, 70. 
Crosby, 119. 
Crumpton, 92, 94. 
Croxall, 87. 
Crutchley, 182. 
Cutha, 230. 

D 

Darcy, 130. 

David, 267. 
Davy, 103. 

Davenport, 90, 246. 

Daye, Day, 88, 89, 245. 

Dekker, 44. 

Denison, 92. 

Dentrye, 102. 

Denyzon, 88. 

Devereux, 39, 58, 67, 82, 90, 93, 
94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 
103, 113, 127, 192, 204, 239, 
245, 260, 261, 273, 282, 283. 

Dickson, 102, 114. 

Dixon, 119. 

Ditchtield, 102. 

Doggett, 119. 

Dolphin, 122, 246. 

Domitian, 236. 

Dormer, 119. 

Drayton, 4. 

Duckett, 88. 

Duda, 179, 192. 

Duffield, 98. 

Dugdale, 30, 38, 58, 61, 82, 125, 
126, 129, 130, 131, 134, 136, 
137, 138, 139, 146, 150, 151, 
178, 184, 202, 207, 209, 214, 
215, 216, 217, 226, 241, 251, 
258, 260, 261, 262, 267, 276, 
279, 281, 287, 289. 

Duiguan, 31, 217. 

Dutton, 90, 247. 



INDEX. 



Dymock, 89. 
Dyott, 101, 123. 
Dytemay, 70, 75. 

E 

Eagles, 99, 113, 246. 

East, 267. 

Eastwood, 263. 

Eboral, 214. 

Eecleston, 256. 

Echard, 33. 

Edgar, 239. 

Edith, 60, 70. 

Edmund, 11, 40, 77. 

Edon, 267. 

Egbert, 48, 147, 206. 

Elde, 124. 

Elson, 86, 88, 90, 93, 101, 121, 245. 

Ellis, 88, 138. 

Elisor, 214. 

Erdington, 82. 

Erdswick, 14. 

Erie, 98. 

Etbelwulfe, 23S. 

Eurrotte, 245. 

Everett, 246. 

Ewett, 117. 

Eybon, 107. 

Eyton, 47, 48, 139, 148, 153, 226, 
229, 230, 256, 264, 267. 271, 
273, 276, 281, 282, 296. 

Ezekiel, 18. 



Farmer, 121, 122, 213, 215, 244. 
Faustina, 236. 
Fawkenbridge, 121, 247. 
Felehyn, 75, 76. 
Feilding, 117, 118, 246. 
Fergusson, 13, 15, 17, 38, 157, 164, 

227, 287. 
Field, 102, 110. 
Fisher, 97, 117, 118, 246. 
Flavel, 12. 
Fletcher, 109. 
Folden, 117, 118, 246. 
Foster, 102, 106, 109, 112, 113, 

114, 117, 246. 



Forster, 245. 

Folcham, 49. 

Ferrers, 261. 

Forsteniann, 13, 28, 287. 

Foxall, 92. 

Francys, 73, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 

266, 268. 
Freeman, 139, 237, 247. 
Fresue (Du), 140. 
Frew, 91. 
Frythe, 93. 
Fynney, 90. 

G 

Galen, 8, 41, 172. 

Gallianus, 235 

Garrett, 100, 103. 

Gee, 118, 246. 

Geoffry, 15, 45, 48, 49, 53, 54, 61, 

62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 74. 
Gervasse, 90. 
Gliphant, 99. 
Gibbon, 65, 198. 
Gibson, 103, 285. 
Gibbs, 116. 

Gilbert, 51, 54, 112,113, 116. 
Godarde, 89. 
Godwyn, 67, 69, 70, 71, 132, 133, 

239, 282. 
Goldingall (Goldingay), 89, 91, 96, 

117, 246. 
Goldsmith, 253, 268. 
Gomer (Gooiner), 118, 266. 
Gopsall, 93. 
Goropius, 5. 
Goulde, 245. 
Grammaticus (Saxo), 4. 
Gratian, 7. 
Green, 107, 214. 
Greenall, 117, 246. 
Greenwell, 14. 
Griffin, 75, 77, 78, 89, 110. 
Greswold, 102, 120. 
Grimm, 13, 28, 287. 
Grose, 15. 
Gwin, 257. 

II 

Haden, 119. 

Hadley, 117, 119, 120, 246, 247. 



Hadrian, 236. 

Hagar, 266, 267, 278. 

Haigh, 39, 220, 223, 224, 225. 

Hall, 97, 118, 245, 246. 

Hamon, 266. 

Hamper, 92, 126, 129, 130, 194, 

214, 263, 286, 294. 
Hancox, 246. 
Hands, 74, 178. 
Hanks, 247. 
Hanno, 162. 
Hareourt, 82. 
Hardwin, 92, 96. 
Hargrave, 87, 247. 
Harold, 239. 
Harris, 118, 246. 
Hastings, 136. 
Hazelwood, 122. 
Harvie, 90. 
Harwood, 271, 272. 
Hawkins, 122. 
Hay, 53, 81, 240. 
Hayward, 96. 
Heath, 119, 122. 
Hedges, 53. 
Heley, 90, 94. 
Helgar, 103. 
Hengist, 15, 224. 
Henry, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 

53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 

61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 

69, 70, 1, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 

77. 
Heraud, 58. 
Hereford, 102, 112. 
Heme, 177. 
Hey wood, 247. 
Hicken, 95, 97. 
Higginbottom, 90, 244. 
Hiram, 18. 
Hoare, 220. 
Hodgskens, 247. 
Hodson, 85, 230. 
Holbech, 119. 
Holioke, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 

115, 116, 118. 
Holden, 80, 82, 83, S8, S9, 101, 

102, 103, 108, 112. 
Holmes, 90, 98. 
Holt, 110, 122, 123, 134, 259. 
Hooke, Hooc, 119, 120. 



INDEX. 



Hooper, 122. 

Hopkins, 92, 93, 97, 99, 114. 

Horace, 20. 

Horton, 124. 

Howley, 216. 

Hudson, 90, 210. 

Hugh, 47, 49, 51, 53, 55, 68, 69, 

70. 75. 
Huggen, 4!'. 59, 65, 68, 69, 70. 

Mills.-, in;. 

Humblus, 1. 

Hunt, 118. 

Hurste, 94. 

I [ussey, 114. 

Hutchins, 85, 12(3, 134, 220, 225, 

226, 230. 
Hutton, 141, 142, 146, 181, 191, 

199, 207, 217, 226. 



INGRAM, 227. 



Jack, 196. 
Jabet (Jobet), 267. 

Jackson, 96, 97, 99. 

James, 202, 209, 232, 341, 2S7 

Jeaques, 118. 

Jeffery, 9.".. 

Jenkins, 181. 

Jennens, Jennings, 93, 103, 

246. 
Jervis, 107, 110, 114, 115. 
Jesse, 198. 

.Tesson, 118, 198, 247. 
Jobbe (Job), 42, 51, 52, 53, 

266, 267. 
John, 48, 49, 60, 62,63, 56, 57 

60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 68 

70, 71, 73, 76, 77, 78, 79, 
Jobnson, 87, 92. 
Jones, 84, 165. 
Jowett, 17. 
Jordan, 49, 113, 245, 26<'>, 267, 



118, 



54, 

, 59, 
, 69, 
80. 



268. 



K 

Keeling, 89, 95, 96. 

Kemble, 5, 16, 38, 39, 43, 164, 192, 
196, 200, 228, 229, 230, 237. 



Km Icy, 240, 246, 247, 289. 

Kenward, 99. 

Kent, 120, 121. 

Kcrslakc, 237. 

Kilpart, 107. 

Kinnersley, 92, 94, 100, 101. 

King, 91. 

Kingston (Duke of), 174. 

Knight, 85, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 

98, 1H3. 117, 246, 217. 
Knightly, 102, 103. 
Kydle, 50. 
Kvmicrsly, 98, 122. 



LABON. 109. 

Lambert, 101, 246. 

Lane, 91, 98, 101, 114. 

Lance, 99. 

Lansdowne, 226. 

Lawrence, 209, 210. 

Lacy, 267. 

Latham, 11, 150, 172. 

Lazarus, 167. 

Lea, Lee, 83, 84, 117, 246. 

Leek, 103, 117, 245, 247. 

Leland, 177. 

Leofric, 227. 

Lemon, 127. 

Lepper, 268. 

Lctitia, 50. 

Levi, 267, 282. 

Liddiatt, 89. 

Lingard, 118, 246. 

Lloyd, 102. 

Loud, S7. 

Lombard, 268. 

Lovetot, 61, 63, 68, 266, 268, 269. 

Lowe, 99, 102, 247. 

Lubbock, 13. 

Luckus, 245. 

Luthner, 122. 

Lysons, 191. 

Lucy, 132. 

M 

Mabel, 73. 
Maddox, 48, 266. 
Mansell, 266, 268. 
Makepeace, 120, 121. 



Mallisone, 64. 

Manysharp, 119. 

Margoliouth, 18, 65, 198, 270. 

.Margaret, 51, 59, 65, 72. 

Mannion, 58, 59, 60, 273, 274, 278, 
279, 280, 281, 282. 

Marshall, 247. 

Maryot (Marriott), 139, 267. 

Masefield, 245. 

Mason, 155, 166. 

Massey, 100, 102, 110, 280. 

Marrow, 119. 

Matylda, 68. 

.Mawdicke, 114. 

Mayou, 246. 

Meanly, 111. 

Michell, 88, 90, 95, 96, 97, 10 , 
267, 268. 

Middleton, 247 

Millman, 268. 

Milner, 220, 223, 247. 

Milton, 10, 19, 106, 162, 182, 187, 
200, 213, 231, 239. 

.Mitchell, 104, 108. 

Moltke, 26, 188, 231, 241. 

Monmouth, 226. 

.Moore, 102, 112. 

Morris, 114. 

Moseley, 99. 

Moses, 267. 

Montfort, 39, 49, 50, 58, 61, 63, 
67, 68, 71, 72, 75, 78, 79, 80, 
100, 116, 118, 136, 246, 273, 
274, 275, 278, 280, 281. 

Midler, 4, 241. 

Mureott, 246. 

N 

Naylor, 122. 
Xennius, 2. 

Xewsham, 117, 118, 246. 
Newton, 231. 
Nicholus, 65. 
Nichol, 91, 213, 221. 
Nightingale, 112, 246. 
Noble, 213, 215. 
Norfolk, 130. 
Norman, 93. 
Norton, 107, 122. 
Nycols, 79. 



INDEX. 





Oldes, 109. 

Offa, 134, 149, 152, 232, 271, 272. 

Orm, 75. 

Orton, 245. 

Osbars, 76. 

Osbert, 52. 

Osway, 271. 

Otteniav, 74. 



Paldene, 80. 

Parkins, 40, 48, 60, 278, 279, 280, 

281. 
Talnier, 103, 117, 118, 19 4, 233, 

235, 246. 
Parsons, 90, 110. 
Parr, 122. 
Parsehouse, 89. 
Pass, 119. 
Paston, 109. 
Paul, 267. 
Payton, 88. 

Pearson, 103, 118, 245. 
Pegge, 22, 155, 163, 164. 
Percy, 68, 85, 126, 239, 273. 
Pemberton, 247. 

Perkins, 114, 266. 

Peter, 65, 66, 189. 

Peterborough (Earl), 130. 

Philip, 49. 

Phillips, 89, 2 46. 

Picldock, 93. 

Pigot, 108, 110. 

Pilson, 217. 

Pirn, 90. 

Plant, 107. 

Plato, 125, 285. 

Plot, 235. 

Pole, 53, 137. 

Porter, 83. 

Poste, 152, 153. 

Poucelet, 208. 

Powell, 120, 246. 

Prattenton, 213, 214. 

Predy, 115. 

Prise, 109. 

Proffitt, 119. 

Prynne, 265, 278. 



Purion, 123, 124. 
Purler, 119. 
Puckson, 120. 
Pygotte, 113, 245. 



Quiney, 214. 



Q. 



E. 



Rastel, 83, 84, 88. 
Ralf, 49, 53, 56. 
Ranulf, 55-57, 58, 62. 
Read, 246. 
Key nes, 91. 

Richard, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 
56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 
65, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 
78, 80. 

Ricardus, 268. 

Robinson, 97. 

Rodes, 118. 

Roe, 119. 

Rokley, 119. 

Roger, 49, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 79. 

Rogers, 99, 114, 117, 122, 245. 

Rolhram, 245. 

Rouse, 138. 

Rowley, 114. 

Russell, 81. 



S. 



Sadoc, 273, 278. 

Sadock (Saddoek), 267, 271, 275, 
277, 282, 284. 

Sadler, 85, 89, 96, 99, 100, 101, 
102, 103, 10r>, 106, 107, 108, 
109, 110, 111, 113, 116, 117, 
118, 120, 122, 214, 244, 215, 
246, 247. 

Sales, 123. 

Samson, 204. 

Saunders, 99, 108, 109, 113, 245. 

Savage, 263. 

Say, 132. 

Schattock, 266, 279. 

Scott, 111, 247, 278, 279. 

Sedgwick, 89, 93, 94, 244. 



Selden, 239. 

Selman, 90. 

Sekyngton, 279. 

Seman, 84. 

Serdic, 219, 220. 

Sergeant, 107. 

Seth, 267. 

Shalcrosse, 101. 

Shakshaft, 119. 

Shackspear, 244. 

Shakspeare, 10, 41, 45, 200, 213, 

214, 215, 216. 
Sharp, 88, 257, 
Schattok, 74. 
Shattock, 79, 85, 282. 
Shattuck, 270, 282. 
Sheath, 119. 
Shepperd, 120. 
Sherrett, 88. 
Shukburgh, 103. 
Shenvyne, 92. 

Shetach, 49, 74, 231, 266, 268,273, 
284. 

Shilton, 90, 91. 

Shiryley, 89, 133. 

Simcox, 122. 

Simon, 52, 53. 

Si ward, 131. 

Shipp, 85, 97, 231. 

Skinner, 105. 

Smith, 39, 77, 93, 100, 101, 106, 
107, 117, 119, 120, 1-26, 127, 
134, 151, 245, 251. 

Snape, 117. 

Someriand, 80, 81, 82, S3, 84, 85, 
88, 96. 

Somery, 281. 

Somner, 2, 38, 130, 136, 217. 

Southey, S3. 

Spelman, 140, 239. 

Spencer, 117, 245. 

Spon, 88. 

Steel, 122. 

Stock, 264. 

Street, 122. 

Stringer, 117. 

Stafford, 8 i. 

Stanehetel, 139. 

Standley, 87, 129, 247. 

Stinton, 114. 

Stephen, 50, 56. 



INDEX. 



Strighton, 90. 

Stukeley, 10,12,15, 22,155, 163, 

164, 163. 
Stunchil, 139. 
Sutton, 89. 

Swift, 76, 91, 117, -24-.. 
Symons, 92, 94, 268. 



Turns, 4, 141. 161, 234, 248. 
Taillour (Taylor), 14, 30, 38, 48, 83, 

112, 220, 223, 287. 
Tamwortli, 279, 281. 
Tanner, 110. 
Tetricus, 235. 
Teynterel, 49. 
Tliarkery, 252. 
Theodocius, 224. 
Throsby, 263. 

Thornton, 87, 108, 112, 113, 116, 
117, 118, 203, 204, 205, 244, 
245, 246, 247. 
Thorpe, 16, 43, 104. 
Thomas, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 56, 
58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 
68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78. 
Thompson, 79, 119. 
Thomson, 200. 
Tom, 196. 

Tonks, 111, 120, 122. 
Toney, 247. 
Tomlinson, 113, 247. 
Trajan, 236. 
Turkey 122. 
Turner (Tumour), 87, 119, 143, 152, 

220, 224, 289, 292. 
Tyast, 114. 
Tyler, 152, 21 S. 
Tymme, 80. 



U. 
UNDBILL, 112, 113, 117, 245. 

V. 

VALE, 79, 83, 84, 90, 215. 
Verney, 116, 246. 
Veins, 236. 
Vincent, 246. 
Victorinus, 235. 
Yirtruvius, 174. 

w. 

Wace, 139. 

Watlcoek, 114. 

Waghte (Wayte), 85, 87, 91, 96. 

Wakefield, 83, 119. 

Walbraham, 99, 133. 

Walker, 123. 

Wall, 119, 120. 

Waldron, 90, 102, 104, 107, 115, 
117, 245, 247. 

Walter, 52, 55, 56, 68. 

Ward, 79, 88, 90, 91, 92, 96, 99, 
100, 101, 103, 104, 108, 109, 
112, 113, 117, 245, 246. 

Warden, 123. 

Warsop, 122. 

Wately, 122. 

Wattsone (Watson), 73, 74, 75, 76. 

Wathew, 247. 

Watton, 89, 90. 

Wealey, 120, 121. 

Weke, 97. 

Welch, 124. 

Wenden, 247. 

West, 285. 

Weston, 92, 98, 99, 100, 245. 

Whatcock, 117, 245. 



Whitaker, 2, 6, 36, 174, 220, 223, 

224. 
White, 245. 
Wightman, 120. 
Wight, 96. 
Wilcox, 24 6. 

Wilrby (Willoughby), 117. 
Wilgh, 247. 
Wilkinson, 95. 
William, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 

56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 

64, 65, 66, 67, 68. 
Willmott, 119, 246. 
Williams, 45. 
Willett, 102. 
Wilson, 107, 110, 246. 
Windischind, 5. 
Winsmere, 100. 
Wise, 220, 223. 
Wolrish, 110. 
Wolf, 71, 268. 
Wood, 83. 
Woodall, 90. 
Worthin-ton, 90, 96, 98. 
Wright, 24, 97, 109, 110, 111, 11 1 

115, 121, 123, 22n, 224, 226. 
Wulfer, 14S, 149, 239. 
Wroithsley, 129. 

Y. 

YAEDLEY, 87, 88, 90, 279, 280. 
Yarrington, 101. 

Yates, 86, 88. 
York, 100. 



7, 



Zadock, 272. 
Zenobia, 160. 



ANTIQUITIES. 



CHAPTER I. 

" England ! with all thy faults, I love thee still ; 
My country ! and, whilst yet a nook is left 
Where English minds and manners may he found, 
Shall be constrained to love thee ! " — Cowper. 

Love of country has, by a wise and beneficent providence, been 
deeply implanted in the human breast ! 

" O unexpected stroke, worse than of death ! 
Must I thus leave thee, Paradise ? thus leave 
Thee, native soil ! these happy walks and shades ! " 

was the sublimely-conceived lament of our first parents, when banished 
from that favoured spot of earth from which they were literally taken 
and made. Again, when their offspring had a new land of promise 
prepared for them, their venerable leader exhausted all the force of 
his eloquence in reiterated and sublime descriptions of that " good 
land," with a view to induce them to love it, and show themselves 
worthy of such a gift. The compassionate Saviour when he beheld 
the " beloved city," with its environs, the little brook Kedron, " where 
was a garden," the stepping stones, and winding path leading thereto, 
and where he had " ofttimes resorted with his disciples," " wept over 
it." Love of country has been the parent and foster mother alike of 
patriarch, prophet, patriot, and poet ; and should not we contribute 
our mite to record and preserve, in our feeble way, every scrap of 
information likely to be interesting in such a cause ? In this spirit, 
that is with reverence, I now approach the subject in hand, and will 
proceed to give a short account of the early state of England, Britain, 

B 



or Albion, as it has been variously called. As Alb in Albion signifies white, 
both in Greek (Alphon) and in Latin (Albus), it has been naturally 
supposed to have given the place name Albion from the white cliffs 
upon the coast, but, if rightly considered (which I take it has never yet 
been done), the latter portion of the word proves it, for an, en, in, 
and on (in derivation all vowels may be treated as one letter), signifies 
a district, so that there is but one redundant letter, the i or o, in 
Albion in the transmission of this word through so many ages — Alb = 
white, and an=a district, — Alban. If we use a diphthong 02, which 
was common in Saxon, it is much the same. This an, or en, in place 
names is perhaps the most primitive feature known ; it is to be found in 
several languages, and has generally, but not always, been applied to 
elevated districts ; viz., Ardewnes, Pennine, Appewines, Balkrms, and the 
Carpathians. To show that it does not always apply to elevated sites, 
we may cite Hindostan, which name was formerly limited to the plains 
of the Indus. Then we have Soudan, the level desert in Africa ; 
Saracens, the former inhabitants of the desert of Sara ; Turkestan, 
Beloochistan, Afghanistan, and the like ; all which countries are about 
ecmally divided into level deserts and mountains ; but Babylon, from 
Babelan, the district of Babel, in the valley of the Euphrates, is the 
most remarkable instance. In Anglo-Saxon, and even in old English, 
en, when a terminal, w r as also a plural sometimes, as in housen = 
houses. The name Britain had a precisely similar origin. Bright is the 
Teutonic briht = clear, light, white, and an==a district — Brihtan. As it 
had the same meaning in Hebrew, Gothic, and Syriac, it is not improb- 
able but that the Phoenicians may have received and given it this name 
The conjectures of Nennius, Camden, Somner, Whitaker, and Bochart, 
are too fanciful. Any way, that bright, or briht, in the Teutonic means 
light, shining, clear, white, and that an means a district, is well known 
to Anglo-Saxon scholars. 



When England is approached from the south, south-east, or south- 
west, on a clear, sunny day, the whiteness of the cliffs is remarkable, 
and perhaps it is even more noticeable when the sun escapes and 
breaks forth occasionally from behind a cloud in showery weather, and 
thus our master poet speaks of our bright little home as "Fair Albion," 
and " Ocean's Lovely Queen." 

" 'Tis thine at once, fair Albion, to have been 
Earth's chief dictatress, ocean's lovely queen;" and, 

" I recollect Great Britain's coast looks white, 
But almost every other country 's blue." 

The Isle of Wight, Saxon hwrt= light; and also the city of Winchester = 
Wittancaster ; Brighthelmstone, Brighton, Brightling, and several other 
similar place names occur upon the south coast. Chalk hills always 
look white, but those of free and some other stones absorb and retain 
a deal of moisture, do not dry soon, and generally have a dull, lead- 
coloured appearance. Time has destroyed a great portion of the Needles 
in the Isle of Wight, and numerous white cliffs in Cornwall and the 
Scilly Islands. Bright-an-ey — Bretayne, is evidently the bright or white 
district on the water. The peninsular of Brittany, and the Land's End 
of Cornwall, are the gate or entrance to the English Channel, and in 
the days of the Phoenicians, when all the white cliffs were at their best, 
the approach to our country would be as the entrance into the "White 
Sea " in appearance, hence the similarity in their nomenclature. 

The origin given to the last name by which this country was 
called — England, is, in my opinion, grossly erroneous. As is well known, 
it is supposed to be from the Angles, or Angels, who are said to have 
become so numerous and prominent as to have given their name to 
the whole country when the seven kingdoms of the Heptarchy became 
united. To me this is the strangest rendering ever given, and I have 
always been surprised that our Anglo-Saxon scholars have never noticed 
it. There is nothing whatever in the whole body of Anglo-Saxon 



literature to support such a conclusion. Wessex —West Saxe, Essex — 
East Saxe, Sussex— South Saxe, and Middlesex —Middle Saxe, were all 
peopled by Saxons. Kent was colonized by Jutes principally, but not 
altogether so. Such being the case, it is not likely that these people 
(the Angles) would give the name to the whole country when all the 
seven kingdoms of the Heptarchy were merged into one. The name 
East Anglia by no means implies that there were many Angles in other 
parts of the country, it simply means the settlement of the Angles who 
came from North Germany into the eastern part of the new country, 
which was afterwards called England. It could not by any possibility 
mean the east of England, as this country was not called England 
until after the break up of the Heptarchy. 

Max Midler says that to get at the origin of local names we 
should go back to the earliest spelling, so that here I wish to make 
a short digression, and consider for a moment the origin of the name 
of the Angles themselves before they came into this country. Campbell, 
in his " Specimens of the Poets," has observed that Drayton, in his 
Poly-olbion, seems to have chained his poetry to the map. The Saxons 
did more. Their place names are, as it were, the whole physical 
geography of the country, indented by their language into the earth's 
surface. Without exception, this is almost always the origin of eveiy 
place name. The Angles, who also, to a slight extent, joined with the 
Saxons and Jutes in Northumbria and Mercia, are believed by some to 
have been so called, from ing=a meadow, with the Ingcevones, of 
Tacitus, dwellers on the plains between the Elbe and Weser, which 
land it will be observed forms a perfect angle, similar to our own 
country. Saxo Grammaticus says they were called Angles from one 
Angulus, son of Humblus, King of Denmark. This is too fanciful a 
derivation. They are also said to have been called Angles from a place 
of that name in Sleswick. Windischind says they were called Angles from 



an island in a corner or angle of the sea ; and Goropius derives their 
name from the Saxon word angel, a fish hook, as they were great 
fishermen and pirates 

Two things are pretty clear from the foregoing : first, that the 
country of this people who are said to have given name to our own 
was so insignificant that it is now unknown, whereas Saxony and Jutland 
are still upon the map. Secondly, that they took their name from a 
triangular tract of country. Win dischind, in another place, admits that 
it was to the Saxons and not to the Angles or Jutes that the British 
applied for assistance. 

The whole people of this country were called Anglo-Saxons, and 
not Anglo-Angles or Anglo-Jutes. I have stated that place names were 
generally taken from the physical aspect of localities. The country of 
the Angles before they came into Britain was so named ; so also was 
Jutland, because it juts out into the sea. And this is the origin of 
the name of England. It was not until after the Heptarchy that the 
whole country had this name of England, from Saxon angel, an angle, 
or hook. 

The country is almost an equilateral triangle. The base and east 
side are exactly the same length. The ancient stirrups and fishing- 
hooks of the Anglo-Saxons were of an angular shape. The name England 
first occurs immediately after the dissolution of the Heptarchy. I forgot 
to take a note at the time as to where the first appearance of the 
word is to be found, but I think it is in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 
or the Cordex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici of Kemble, and that it is 
between the years A.D. 900 and 1,000, but I believe that it is in the 
former work, and that the early spellings are Angeland and ^England. 
Such, after intense study of the subject, in all its bearings, and after 
comparison with the remarks of others, I take to be the real origin 
of the names Albion, Britain, and England, which cannot, I take it, be 



considered a fruitless study, for Plato says that "the knowledge of the 
etymology of words leads to the knowledge of things." 

And now as to the first occupation and peopling of the country. 
Castino- our eye eastwards we see the cradle of the human race : a 
land for procreation or fecundity, but (on account of its climate and 
soil) not a land capable of being successfully fructified for the production 
of any considerable weight of the common necessaries of life. We next 
cast our eye upon the page of history, and there see recorded the 
fact that in consequence of this, wave after wave of people were pushed 
out toward the more moderate clime and deeper soil of Europe. This 
continued as we know until the West became so thickly peopled that 
the descendants of the first settlers pushed out to America more than 
three centuries ago, and the descendants of those who remained extended 
emigration to the Antipodes. It is ever vain and useless to attempt 
to trace through the old writers the names of tribes, dates of migration, 
and places of settlement in Europe, of these early emigrants from the 
east. We may make a general classification of them under four heads, 
viz., Scythians, Sarmatians, Germans, and Gauls. In what order they 
pushed out, too, it is impossible to say. There is a passage by land 
from the remotest east to Calais ; and if, as is supposed, England and 
France joined there in the early ages, the land track could be extended 
to the most northern part of Caledonia. The remains of tropical animals 
found in England is strong proof of this country having been formerly 
joined to the continent. According to Bede, Carte, and Whitaker, the 
coast of Hants and the Isle of Wight so nearly joined formerly that lead 
and tin were carted over when the tide was down. If the countries 
did join at the Straits of Dover, it is extremely difficult to conjecture 
how early Britain or Albion might have been peopled. Whether Britain 
was first settled by Gauls simply pushing into it, as the continued 
torrents from the east urged them behind, it is impossible to sa)\ 



Caesar selected the shortest passage from Calais to Dover, on account 
of having the shortest voyage back in the event of his being discomfited 
in his first rencounter with the enemy. Entering this triangular country 
at one corner, he drove the inhabitants before him to the north-west, 
as it were, i.e., diagonally, and their first permanent road, &c, was 
made accordingly. The Romans in their first expedition into Britain 
might do a little draining for their own ease and comfort in passing 
to and fro, but they would not proceed to road making in their first 
expedition, or at any time as a rule, until they saw that the country 
was sufficiently good to occupy. The various pressures of the eastern 
peoples into Europe were simply efforts of nature. The expeditions of 
Alexander, Cyrus, and others, were comparatively military spurts ; but 
the invasions of the Romans, and the mode by which they subjugated 
and held the provinces of the empire, seem a kind of scourging destiny 
to entrap and ensnare mankind as a chastisement, and then she passed 
away. Their tyranny was so crushing that it is wonderful the various 
peoples they subdued did not more frequently rise against them than 
they did. There are a few cases, however, of manly stands being made 
against them, and notably in Britain, by Carausius, Mark Gratian, and 
Constantine, a common soldier. The second expedition against Britain 
was a more determined one. The direction of their advance through 
the country was the same as before — diagonally, from south east to 
north west. Watling Street was the north western, Herming Street 
the great western, and Icknield Street the great northern ways or roads 
of the Romans. The iron roads of our days were constructed in the 
same order, called by the same names, and they have " stations " also 
upon them. Verily if there is nothing " new under the sun," there is 
a great deal of mimicry. The south end of the Icknield Street, from 
Southampton to Stow-in-the-Wold, and the north end of the Fosse way, 
i.e., from Stow to Lincoln, was their first parallel, and, as far as the 



8 

Fosse way is concerned, was, in places, entrenched for defence by its 
ditch. Their second parallel was the south end of the Fosse way, from 
Cornwall to Stow, and the north end of the Icknield Street, from Stow 
to Tynemouth, through Wall, Derby, and York. There was a third 
parallel in the nature of a secondary way, or improved British track, 
from Manchester, through Chester, Wroxeter, and Hereford, to Caerleon. 
Then, by pushing in the remaining portion of the Watling Street, from 
Wall, through Wroxeter, to Anglesea, the Herming Street, from South- 
ampton to St. David's, and another second class road, from London, 
through Cirencester, to Gloucester, the subjugation of the country was 
complete, and the opposing Britons were driven into and held in Wales. 
Of course I do not mean to say that these roads were constructed as 
parallels, or even as lines of circumvallation, in the actual conquest of 
the country, but they were certainly used as such in the retention 
and occupation of it against the local Britons, and those they had 
driven into Wales, the Welsh themselves, and sometimes the Picts and 
Scots ; and they would have been used as such if the Scythians or 
other " barbarians " had landed to molest them. The moment it became 
evident that the country was worth occupying these military roads would 
be commenced and soon made. Some of the natives would be pressed 
for the purpose no doubt. It appears from Galen that the Eomans 
after their conquest of Britain kept their soldiers and captive Britons 
constantly employed in cutting down forests, draining marshes, and paving 
bogs ; and Dion Cassius tells us that the Emperor Severus lost as many 
as 50,000 men in a few years in carrying out such works. When the 
Eomans quitted the country, the mouths of these drains would soon 
become fouled up with the running silt, and the water would become 
pounded again, worse than before ; and the felled forest trees assume 
the fossil shape revealed at Hatfield and elsewhere. The soldiers, for 
exercise and health, would be occupied every leisure hour (and they 



could not be always fighting) in raising and maintaining these works 
and roads for their own safety and convenience. When completed, with 
their fortified stations at intervals of about fifteen miles, pickets at 
each, and beacon fires on the hills, the chains and fetters of the poor 
Britons were not only fixed but riveted. 

These stations would only require such as the somewhat aged, 
slightly invalided, raw young soldiers, and a few picked men, to occupy 
them when the armies were in the field. The " civilization " brought 
by the Eomans, and exchanged for this servitude of the Britons (for 
the Britons would have to cultivate the land to maintain them) was 
improvements in the arts of slaying, making red crocks, bronze work, 
and how to tinker it when broken. The Eomans kidnapped the most 
promising of the British youth, and passed them into various parts of 
the empire to assist in subduing others to servitude, in the same way 
that such like " barbarians " were brought into Britain to subdue them. 

And here I cannot do better than consider these great military 
ways of the Eomans ; and in the first place I must correct a great 
mistake. It has always been said that the Eomans called them streets, 
from the Latin stratus = to spread; a word not merely inapplicable in 
every way, but the exact reverse of the real meaning of a straight 
way. Every schoolboy knows that the Eomans nowhere used any other 
term but " via," either in Britain or elsewhere as to roads ; viz., the 
Emilian and Appian ways, &c, &c. 

The word street in Watling, Herming, and Icknield Streets is not 
from, but is actually the old Saxon word strete=a straight way. When 
the Eomans evacuated this country it was some little time before the 
Saxons came ; at least, they were not here at the evacuation, and the 
Eomans did not leave " finger posts " to indicate the name of each road. 
The Britons, if they knew (which they did not), would not be able 
to commit the names to writing. " Fosse," in Fosse-way, is modern, 



10 

(i.e., a Latin name recently applied to it) and with this exception the 
names of all these ways are pure Saxon, which they naturally would 
be, as it was the Saxons who named them. The name Icknield— as 
the early spelling is lost— is doubtful, but it is evidently Saxon. 
Dr. Stukeley spells it Icening. It may be so, but I have not yet met 
with I his spelling. Hereming may have affinity to Anglo-Saxon— Here = 
an army, and ing = a meadow ; in reference perhaps to frequent cavalry 
expeditions against the Silures who lay about the meadows of the Severn 
and Wye. In Archa3ologia, vol. vii., p. 8, the spelling is Hereman 
Street, i.e., Army-man or Horse-man Street. Watling Street is a most 
genuine Saxon name. The Saxon word strete, a way, is evidently a 
derivative from straight, direct, which is also Saxon. 

The appearance of these fine roads, so dissimilar to the circuitous, 
narrow, and uneven tracks of the Britons, or of their own tracks they 
had just left on the continent, would naturally make a great impression 
upon the Saxons. The most remarkable feature, the most noticeable 
novelty, in these masterpieces, would be to them (as indeed they are 
now to us) not the facility with which to make a direct route — they 
had hanging roads, as surveyors call them, on the hill sides — but the 
ease with which they constructed these roads to traverse alike morass 
and meadow. The roads over these morasses they effected either by 
diverting the springs, if a nearer fall could be found for the water, 
and if not, by running a drain up through the centre of the morass 
from the present fall to, or near to, the springs, then, when thus made 
sound, the road would be continued over it, and through all the meadows 
upon an embankment, just sufficiently high to free its surface from the 
washing of the floods. 

This was the marvel of our Saxon ancestors; but the progenitors 
of Shakespeare, Milton, and Byron, and of the language they spoke, 
were not long in finding a name for this road. They first landed in 



11 

Kent, where it commenced, and as they traversed it, and noted this 
peculiarity as to its route through the low-lying lands and meadows, 
they called it the Wad-1-ing Strete. Wad is from the Saxon verb 
wadan=to wade, and ing is a meadow, and strete means straight, ie., 
the road or way ; wading straight through the meres and meadows. 
I know this is a new view of this place name ; but it is borne out 
by the way in which the same elements in other words have been inter- 
preted by the best etymologists. As to wad, or wade, see Archaeologia, 
vol. i., p. 83, where mention is made of wade in Kent — wadan=the ford ; 
Edmunds, on place names, p. 278, " wade from wadan to wade ; " and 
also wade of northern mythology. As to the interchange of d and t in 
Wadling to Watling, in the infancy of all languages they were as 
legitimately interchangeable as i and j are now. Professor Latham says, 
" The letters most closely allied in phonetics are the most frequently 
interchanged in grammar." Father and mother were spelt fader and 
moder in Anglo-Saxon and old English. The redundant liquid semi- 
vowel 1 in Wad(l)ing Strete would easily creep in. It may have done 
so in the transition period from Anglo-Saxon to old English, and first 
appear in the form of a suffix or diminutive, as Wad-el or Wat-el- 
ing Strete. This " Wat-el-ing Strete " gave rise to the absurd supposition 
that the old Romans were silly enough to build their ways on a 
foundation of faggots. They left this for (farmer) surveyors to originate ; 
besides, Wattling — " wattle and dab " —only dates from a period just 
anterior to brick buildings, or, at least, when half-timbered houses were 
first erected. 

As I have previously observed, our mother tongue is so peculiarly 
expressive that the founders of it had the happy knack of catchino- at 
a glance the distinctive features of a locality and then stamping them 
by indentation, as it were, upon the spot, in the shape of a place name. 

It is evident that these four great military ways (for they were 



12 

nothing more) were commenced so soon as the Eomans saw the country 
was worth occupying permanently. As to secondary roads, I do not, 
as a practical road surveyor, believe that any were ever really con- 
structed from end to end. Some few roads, such as the one from 
Manchester, through Chester, Wroxeter, and Hereford, to Caerleon, are 
merely ancient British tracks, widened and straightened in places, i.e., 
reconstructed where unsound at bottom. It is a most curious coincidence, 
and strangely confirmatory of the origin of some place names, that 
the tracks of each of these roads show either on their sites, or on 
either side of them, the advance and progress of the Eoman arms. 
The number of place names, with some element descriptive of war and 
strife in them, or of the results of it, such as barrows, cromlechs, and 
the like, is prodigious. These I purpose treating of somewhat at length 
presently, and will now only name a few that come in our way as it 
were, viz. : Kit's Cotty House, as it is called, in Kent, is an uncovered 
cromlech, not far from the commencement of Watling Street. 

The erroneous idea as to cromlechs and barrows being Druidical 
remains of religious temples with altars, and which, even to this day, 
has scarcely been dispelled from the minds of some people, would 
almost appear to have originated in the vanity of priests and parsons, 
who, pharisee like, were desirous of holding up to the glouting eyes 
of " the laics " these standing evidences of their " burning zeal " and 
power of exorcism over the heathen mythology. Our early antiquaries 
were notorious this way, as witness old Dr. Stukeley for instance. 
One in particular, the Eev. Mr. Pegge, was, in his day, perpetually 
pegging away to prove that every stone circle, cromlech, and barrow, 
without exception, had had an altar dedicated to some god or 
goddess. See Archreologia, vol. iv., p. 114, vol. vii., p. 147, vol. 
viii., p. 60, and elsewhere, and the early numbers of the Gentleman's 
Magazine. 



13 

It is to be suspected that the allegations of the Roman historians 
are worse than exaggerations as to the immolation of human victims 
by the Druids, and, doubtless, brought forward by them to justify their 
cruelty and insatiable lust of conquest, which, after all, was the sole 
motive for seeking the subjugation of Britain, and, indeed, of every other 
province of their unwieldy empire. A little light, however, has more 
recently began to dawn upon the subject of Stonehenge and other similar 
remains, and time, and further researches, will, I think, clear up the 
little doubt remaining as to their all having been burial places. 
Fergusson, in his " Rude Stone Monuments," pp. x., xi., 27, 49, 55, 
72, 101, 102, 105, 116, 157-8, 299, 300, 343, 349, 358-9, 384, 401, 
455, and 507, shows the impossibility of Stonehenge and Avebury having 
been temples, and the great probability of their having been places of 
burial, viz. : that there are numerous tumuli within a few miles of 
Stonehenge, some even extending to Chidbury Camp, eight miles distant. 
(This chid in Chidbury is evidently from chad, the old Teutonic for 
war or battle. See Grimm's " Deutsche Grammatik," and Forstemann's 
" Altdeutsches Namenbuch "). 

Bones, arrow heads, and armour, have been found. A Dolman, said 
to be at foot of long low barrow at Ashford, Kent. Kit's Cotty House 
(so-called) is from Celtic cath, battle, c and k being interchangeable ; 
Cists and monuments in the Isle of Man, Denmark, India, &c. ; Carnac 
stones in France, said to indicate a great battle there. Circles, similar 
to Stonehenge, have been found in Spain, Algeria, and India. It is 
stated in Notes and Queries, second series, vol. v., p. 459, that in 
mediaeval chronicles and Welsh authors, Stonehenge is said to be a 
burial place. In third series, vol. i., p. 59, it is said to have been 
built with native grey wethers, as they are called. In the Reliquary, 
vol. xviii., 1877-8, p. 104, it states that Sir J. Lubbock alleges that 
within a radius of three miles of Stonehenge there are three hundred 



14 

tumuli ; p. 106, at Arbor Low and other places in Derbyshire are 
similar remains to Stonehenge. In British Barrows, by Greenwell, p. 231, 
Grime's Graves are mentioned, and at p. 530 Grimston is mentioned : 
these are from grim = war, a known old Teutonic word ; hence grim 
death. 

In Archaeologia, vol. ix., pp. 207-8, remains are absurdly called 
Druidical at iforborough, when this "har" in the place name is 
evidently from Saxon here = an army, and borough is a fort, plainly 
indicating that this place was either the army-barrow or borough. See 
my observations on " Harrowgate," in Notes and Queries, as to this. 
In vol. x., pp. 106 and 208, the same kind of error occurs, for skulls 
are said to have been found. In vol. vi., pp. 113-114, of this work, 
cat (from cath, battle) stones are mentioned, and tumulus. See also 
Taylor's " Words and Places," p. 322, as to cat stones and battle ; and 
at p. 317, Lichfield is said to mean a field of corpses; and on reference 
to Erdswick's " Staffordshire," p. 12, tumuli are mentioned at Cat Hill, 
Ogley. near there. Lichfield is on the Watling and Icknield Streets, 
in fact at the place of their intersecting each other, and there are 
many tumuli in the neighbourhood. It has been stated (but I could 
never find authority for it) that these cat stones were erected to 
commemorate battles. They were erected, many of them, to indicate 
places of interment after battles ; hence the mistake I suppose. The 
station at Wall was so near that, no doubt, frequent contests took place 
thereabouts before the country was finally settled. The Icknield Street, 
on either side of it, has many tumuli and remains, as also have the 
other Roman ways, showing the opposition met with in the conquest 
and retention of the country, though, of course, some of them would 
be those of peaceful interments previous to, and during, the Eoman 
occupation. There can be no doubt but that all are places of sepulchre, 
and none of them the remains of temples. We have no trustworthy 



15 

evidence of the religious houses of the Britons, or of their ever having 
had any religion. The Druids are said to have lived in hollow trees. 
What little knowledge we possess of them is from the Eomans, who, 
of course, as they were all for war and conquest, would, like the 
modern conquerors, say and do anything to secure their ends. The 
absurd idea of Dr. Stukeley as to its being a British temple for the 
Druids to officiate in — a grand metropolitan temple, a kind of Canterbury 
Cathedral, as Mr. Grose would have it — is a gross mistake, a fanciful, 
fond hallucination, now exploded by, amongst other things, the finding 
interments under k ' great altars " as they are called in different " sacred 
edifices." The old Monk, Geoffrey of Monmouth, writes that it was 
erected at the instigation of a king (Aurelius Ambrosius) in memory of 
the four hundred and sixty Britons who were murdered by Hengist, 
the Saxon. Another (Polydone Virgil), that it was erected by the 
Britons to the memory of the said Ambrosius ; others that it was a 
monument to Queen Boadicea. Mr. Bryant thinks that it was built by 
a colony of Cuthites. The weight of evidence, as I have said, is 
greatly in favour of its having been a cemetery. Fergusson, in his 
" Kude Stone Monuments," has described many similar remains, both 
upon the continent and in Asia, with interments in and about them. 
All the old orientals were remarkable for their attachment to their 
ancient burial places 

From their superiority of construction and size, I have long looked 
upon Stonehenge and Avebury as the places of burial of the great 
leader and his family, and principal followers, who first came from 
the East and settled in Britain, and of the earliest kings or chiefs of 
the country, and, in consequence of this being their burial-place, the 
Britons made a most fierce stand here and hereabouts, and that the 
Eomans, in revenge, rifled the tombs, and laid bare the stones now 
appearing by removing the loam with which they were covered, This 



16 

has always been the way with barbarians. They think that doing so 
will dishearten antagonists, by destroying the sanctity and charm ever 
associated with the manes of their chiefs. This feeling must have been 
particularly strong in the early ages with people who did not practice 
cremation, and the Eomans who did, w T ould be aware of it, and, I 
believe, worked upon this feeling during their whole route through 
the Teutons and Gauls into Britain. A nation so proverbially cruel 
as the Eomans, who practised cremation (when it was not thought of 
in a sanitary point of view), who spared neither age nor sex ; who 
spitted infants upon spears ; whose polished orators shouted " Delenda 
est Carthage ! " to auditors who carried it out ; " a nation of fierce 
countenance, which regarded not the person of the old, nor showed 
favour to the young," would not scruple to rifle the graves of the 
dead with a view to intimidate the living. 

Many influences may have operated with them to spare the 
pyramids of Egypt. That of Cleopatra might have been one, and the 
easy conquest of the country ; and the time, labour, and expense it 
would have required to demolish such structures would be others no 
less powerful with them. 

The very fact of the Eomans not having mentioned Stonehenge 
and the other similar remains in Britain, and in the other countries 
subjugated by them, looks as though they had rilled them for the 
purpose I have stated— intimidation. Some of these tumuli are mentioned 
in the early Anglo-Saxon Charters of Thorpe and Kemble. In Thorpe's, 
p. 654, and in Kemble's, vol. hi., pp. 381-2, " Kett Tumulum " is 
named as a boundary; vol. v. pp. 198 and 398, heathen burial grounds 
and military roads mentioned ; vol. vi., p. 182, " Ciddesbeara"=(cad, chad, 
or cath-barrow),=war, or battle-barrow, is meant; p. 235, "Catbeorh" 
and " Catmere's Gemere " occurs ; and similar instances in Charters Nos. 
247, 335, and 176 ; and in Kemble's Saxons in England hoar-stones= 



17 

"haran stanas" — are named, which hoar-stones I shall hereafter prove 
were cap and side stones to cromlechs and other interments. 

The etymology of the word cromlech in my opinion proves that 
they were places of sepulchre. The idea of deriving it from the Welsh 
crom, concave or bent, and llec, a flat stone, and then applying it 
to an altar stone, is absurd. Crom and llec, or concave and flat, are 
a contradiction in terms. Cromlechs (as appears by inspection or from 
drawings) are, almost always, not concave, but so very convex, or 
gibbous, at the top that it would take all the priests of Baal to hold 
the victim upon one ; and then, too, most of them are so high that 
the priests must have all been giants to officiate at them. Some have 
been found so high that moderate-sized horses could, and have, passed 
under them. See account of those found in Anglesea in Encyclopaedia 
Britannica. The rendering the second syllable llec, in cromlech, a flat 
stone, is equally inapplicable, for, as I say, they scarcely ever are flat, 
excepting on the lower sides to rest evenly as imposts, on the four 
uprights, or two sides, and two ends which uphold them. The first 
syllable of cromlech may be from Celtic crom, bent or concave, the 
last syllable, I feel confident, is from Saxon lie or lich, a corpse ; hence 
Lichgate and Lichfield. For some cause or other, the mode of these 
interments (see Bateman, Jowett, and Fergusson) is for the bodies to 
be bent with the knees almost touching the chin ; so that crom, bent, 
and lich, a corpse, would exactly describe the dead body as it lay in 
the ground. The five or more stones to cover and protect it would, 
in course of time, aet the name of the interment. These covering 1 
stones are nothing more than are now to be found in every church- 
yard of the kingdom where there is a stone quarry near, and where 
there is not they are bricked at sides and ends and have a cap stone 
at the top. The first settlers in Britain may have been a colony of 
Phoenicians. We read in ancient history that they were great colonizers, 

c 



18 

manufacturers of glass and metals, &c. They had a share under King 
Hiram in decorating the temple at Jerusalem. They were noted 
merchants and navigators ; and in planting colonies they are said to 
have exerted themselves so much that it was feared at one time they 
would depopulate their own country. They are known to have enriched 
themselves with the mines of Spain, to have had trade with the 
British Tsles. They are said to have had settlements and correspondents 
in all their colonies, certainly at the mines of Cornwall, and I should 
say probably in Wales, and the lead mines on the Mendips, from 
which Stonehenge is not so very far. The " isles of the sea " lamenting 
the fall of Tyre, in the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel, verses 3, 
12 13 15, and 35, may have included the British Isles. The allusions 
to some such isle as ours in these verses is evident. The language of 
the Phoenicians, as is well known from Bochart and others, was a cognate 
of the Hebrew, and as in Hebrew alben means white, the name Albion 
may have come to us this way. 

As the ancient Britons did not practice cremation, it would be 
useless to seek for their origin amongst peoples who did. If they 
came from the Phoenicians or Tyrians, and some of the ancient Jews 
became mixed up with them in their expeditions to and settlements at 
the mines of Cornwall and Wales, it w r ould account not only for their 
non-practice of cremation, but also for the numerous Hebrew surnames 
in both those districts. See " Vestiges of the Historic Anglo-Hebrews in 
East Anglia," by Dr. Margoliouth, p. 13. If Stonehenge was, as I believe, 
the burial place of the leader or chief and his family and principal 
followers and successors who conducted an expedition into and peopled 
Britain, the Britons of Caesar's time would perhaps know this by 
tradition, though they could not transmit it to us in waiting, and the 
Romans would not, if they had rifled the tombs. They could furnish 
or fabricate an account of the metallic war chariots, with scythes upon 



19 

the axles, to show what formidable foes they had overcome, of course. 
They were not Koman interments, because the Romans practised 
cremation, and deposited the urns in rectangular barrows. There is a 
curious fact recorded in Bateman's " Ten Years' Diggings," viz., that 
he frequently found Roman urns interred in British barrows, which 
looks as though they were in the habit of rifling British barrows, and 
at last, for fear of retaliation, were obliged to bury in them for 
safety. 

Stonehenge could not have been a temple, or the early Christian 
devotees would have destroyed it ; besides it was and is now — A.D. 
1881 — in the midst of a vast waste without population. Priests knew 
better than this, as witness the fruit and cider apple tree groves of 
Canterbury and Glastonbury. I do not suppose that this vast and weighty 
pile, or any similar ones, were hurriedly made after battle, but leisurely, 
in peaceful times, like a pyramid. The supposition of their perhaps 
being Danish is not worth a passing remark, as the Danes were scarcely 
in this part, and the Saxon chroniclers would have noted anything so 
remarkable and near to their own time. The Romans left the island 
before the Saxons came, so that an account of these remains could not 
have come to the latter from the former, or such an early writer as 
Bede would have become acquainted with the particulars of them ; as 
he did not, it is clear that they date from a period anterior to the 
Roman invasion. The aboriginals of this island were so harassed from 
the time of Cassar's landing that they had not time, or at least calm, 
in which to erect them, so that they could not have been the burial 
place of Prince Arthur (if he ever existed, which Milton doubts), or 
of King Alfred, or of the Picts and Scots, or Danes ; we know it is 
not a Roman erection, neither can it be Saxon, or the chroniclers 
would have recorded it. The first Saxons who saw these remains would 
be Cerdic and his followers, who landed in A.D. 519, and peopled 



20 

Wessex. The Britons were without letters, and had no doubt forgotten 
the very name of the place after a servitude of four hundred years, 
so that the Saxons, like Adam and Eve, had to give new names to 
many places and tilings. They beheld these naked stones, much as we 
see them now, excepting that more of the uprights were erect, and 
more of the imposts were in position, and they called them Hangan 
Stans = Hanging Stones — Stonehenge. This is what they have been 
called for 1,362 years; and they must have been in much the same 
state when the Saxons first saw them, or they would not have been 
so called by them, i.e., a large, uncovered, rifled barrow. As to the 
ingenuity displayed by these early builders it is, when understood, very 
easily accounted for, like most other, at first sight, apparently inexplic- 
able things. The origin of Stonehenge, Avebury, and similar remains, 
is a subject of the deepest interest. That great and inquisitive genius, 
Byron, asks, 

" The Druid's groves are gone ; — so much the better ! 
Stonehenge is not; — but what the d is it?" 

The writer of these simple lines has been by occupation a surveyor. 
He has also, when young, not only 

" Brightened ploughshares in paternal soil," 

as Horace sang, but, what is rare now, done it with oxen ; and could, 
with two yoke . of those animals and half a score labourers, erect 
.•mother Stonehenge (such as the present one was when first completed) 
in a few weeks. I can also explain, in a few minutes, how to do it also, 
even with the primitive appliances of those times. The ancients, like 
the present Chinese, were more civilized than Christians of our day. 
They not only buried their solid and liquid sewage daily, but they 
always buried their dead in the midst of waste land ; hence the 
extensive burial grounds in and around Stonehenge and other similar 
places. The appliances and materials they had at hand would be large 
and numerous heaps of huge stones, on Marlborough Downs and other 



21 

places nearer, but most of which have since disappeared for lesser 
cromlechs, and barrows, land marks, buildings, gate posts, and road 
making. If they had chariots, they would have simple wagons strong 
enough to carry all the smaller and some of the medium-sized stones. 
If without chains, they would have plenty of strong hides to cut into 
thongs and plait together. This premised, we will commence operations. 
The formation of the fosse around the fabric will be the last thing 
to do. A king or chief dies, and a spot for the burial is selected, 
which is hereafter to serve for several interments of the family and 
leading men ; the soldiers and common people to be buried without 
the circle, as many have been found so buried on Salisbury Plain. 
This fabric was doubtless constructed as a kind of circular catacomb 
for interments to take place as occasion required. They would be 
hollow inside, that is covered with earth. The other imposts, and cap 
or covering stones, have disappeared long since for the purposes 
previously narrated. 

I bury my king or chief in the centre of the inner ellipse, say 
eight feet deep. I lay out another ellipse, and the two circular 
chambers around them, for subsequent interments ; then mark out, and 
set two men to sink the post holes for the uprights to bear the 
imposts, whilst I set others of the men with the two yoke of oxen 
and simple wain to draw away the medium-sized and smaller stones 
that do not require dressing. The remainder of the men are set to 
dress such stones that require it with Hint or iron hatchets, whilst I, 
as clerk of the works, keep continuously passing from one set of men 
to the other, meeting and passing the bullock wain on the road. 
The two men with the bullocks help the post hole sinkers get the 
largest of the uprights into the post holes as they arrive ; so that by 
the time all the stones are dressed that require it, most of the uprights 
are erected. The largest uprights and the " altar stone " of Masters 



k 22 

Stukeley and Pegge are left until last, and come one at a time by 
having live or six small oak tree butts kept under them as rollers, 
the last roller, as the stone passes over it, being immediately carried 
and put under the front, With the oxen fastened with thongs to one 
end of the stone, and moving slowly along, so as to keep at least 
three rollers under the stone at once, they would progress at almost 
walking pace. When all the uprights are erected, then build up a wall 
with square, or, at least, flat stones around the outer circle, or, rather, 
flush with the outer uprights, leaving three doorways equi-distant from 
each other ; then the fosse or ditch to be all got out, with the exception 
of a roadway left, drawbridge fashion, to bring over the imposts. The 
soil, as it is excavated, to be placed inside and outside the ellipses 
and circles until it is one large circular mound ; the uprights surrounded 
with soil up to their tops, and, with a graduated ascent, all round. 
Whilst this is being done, the imposts and cap or covering stones 
would be drawn to the spot, The imposts and covering stones would 
now be rolled up the sloping sides and placed upon the tops of the 
uprights, so as to form a strong rough covering ; the sides would be 
so sloped that the bullocks could mount to the top with one impost 
or cap stone at a time. The " altar stone " would be put in position 
first, over the grave of the king or chief, in the centre of the inner 
ellipse, and the covering in be worked from it to the sides, or rather 
eaves ; the soil would then have to be taken out of the building at 
the doors, placed upon the covering stones, and down the sloping sides, 
so as to make it steeper and drier inside. All tumuli, or barrows, of 
this description and size were so nearly conical that the lap obtained 
by covering in from the eaves, as in tiling, was not required. The conical 
roof ensured dryness The soil left, drawbridge fashion, in the fosse, 
for hauling over, would lastly be placed upon the summit of the mound. 
Three large square stones placed in the three doorwavs and the inter- 



z^> 



inents would be then thoroughly protected from wild beasts, and the 
whole have the same appearance as when the Romans first beheld them. 
The trilithons, or imposts, would be continuous, and the covering stones 
would be placed sufficiently close together to keep the soil from coming 
through, and strong enough to bear the weight of it. The bearings 
would not be so very long, even from one circle to the other, for, 
taking the half thickness of the tops of the uprights for bearing places, 
the bearings would not be above eight feet apart, and these stones 
are so strong, and could be procured of such thickness, so as to bear 
any weight of circumambient soil. The interment of the king or chief 
being in the centre of the inner ellipse, the relations could come next ; 
perhaps the interior of the two ellipses would be reserved for him 
and them. The inner circle, and afterwards the outer one, would be 
appropriated to counsellors, leaders, and military chiefs, as their deaths 
occurred, in rotation ; so that their remains would occupy the same 
relative positions in these chambers of the dead as they did when 
living and acting in the council around their sovereign or chief. I 
take it that Avebury, and all the other stone circles in Wilts, Dorset, 
Devon, Cornwall, Derby, Yorkshire, Anglesea, Scotland, and elsewhere, 
were erected for similar purposes — for sepulchre of one kind or other. 
See chapter 4 on " Avebury " as to covering in the centres, and how 
stones from twenty to thirty feet long could be had, and doubtless 
were used. 

And now I think that as our iiiedited charters have reference 
principally to the midlands, I must draw in my lines a little, so as 
to approach nearer to the area covered by them. When the conquest 
of Britain was effected, its successful occupation and keeping those we 
now call the Welsh and the Britons who had sought refuge amongst 
them in check, was the next consideration. To this end commanding 
positions were taken up, and forts erected at and about Chester, 



24 

Wroxeter (on the Watling Street), Oldbury, near Bridgnorth; also upon 
the Malvern Hills, Oldbury, near Chepstow, others on the river Usk, 
Lidney-on-Severn, and elsewhere, to Caerleon. The Komans were not 
able to subdue the Welsh until the reign of Vespasian, when they were 
reduced by Julius Frontinus, who placed garrisons in the country to 
keep them in awe. It is to Wroxeter I wish now to call attention ; 
and here again I think that etymology and philology will be of service 
in unravelling a great mystery — the recently uncovered city of " Uri- 
conium,'" as it is called, or Wroxeter. 

This place was one of the strongest outposts of the occupying 
Roman forces in Britain, a fortified place, in fact a camp. Mr. Wright's 
account of the exploration of this buried fortress is intensely interesting. 
The place has all the appearance of having been burned. The skeleton 
of an old man in a chimney corner, with a number of coins scattered 
about, was found. The fortified camp of Wroxeter is upon the Watling 
Street at the junction or crossing of the road that I have called a 
third parallel, leading from Manchester (Mancunium of the Eomans), 
through Chester and Hereford, to Caerleon, so being a cross road station 
it would be of extra importance. The remains of Roman buildings, 
coins, steelyards, ornaments, appendages, and every conceivable indication 
of permanent occupation, were found at Wroxeter, and uncovered. 
Now I contend, without fear of contradiction from any one who 
dispassionately considers the matter with a real desire to get at a clear 
and true elucidation, that the etymology of the single word Wroxeter 
will explain all. It is a pure Saxon word, and shows how marvellously 
expressive our mother tongue is. It must have been given in a similar 
way to the name of Stonehenge. When the Romans withdrew from 
Britain, this, being one of the remote outposts, would, in consequence, 
be one of the first to be evacuated, and the Welsh, and the descend- 
ants of the Britons who had been driven into and so long pent up 



25 

in Wales, would, immediately on the Eomans beginning to evacuate 
their stations, rush out of their mountain fastnesses, and begin to 
wreak their vengeance upon, and wreck the deserted station at Wroxeter. 
In that state the Saxons soon after tirst beheld it, and they called 
it Wrcec-caster. Both wreak and wreck are Saxon: wrcecan = to wreak, 
and wrcec=a wreck ; so that it would be Wroecan-caster or Wroec- 
caster — the wrecked city, or camp or castle. The terminal caster in 
Wrcec-caster is of course an after corruption of the Latin castrum=a 
camp. This interpretation is confirmed by the nomenclature of the 
whole district. The nearest hill or mountain is the Wreken, i.e., 
Wrcec=a wreck, and " en " or an=a district — the hill in the district 
of the wreck. Again, the old name of the hundred of the county in 
which they are situated was called Wrockwardin, i.e., " in," in Wrock- 
wardin, is a district, ward is guard, and wrock is wreck, so that it 
was the district to guard, or be guarded, at or near the wreck. The 

for e in wrock is nothing but a legitimate vowel change (see 
Anglo-Saxon grammar). There is a small town in this hundred now 
called Wrockwardin ; but the modern name is Eecordin, a fact really 
indicative that the Salopians are coming back to a right understanding 
of the name from instinct. 

What is more singular still, not very far from these places, and 
between Wroxeter and Chester, there is a small town called Wrexham, 
i.e., wrecked-home. Now there must have been a Roman villa there. 

1 have nothing before me to show the antiquities of the place ; but 
if this is not recorded, it is because all traces were then completely 
destroyed. The Saxon elements in the names I have canvassed, viz. : 
Britain, Albion, England, Watling Street, Stonehenge, Herming Street, 
and Wroxeter, &c, show to me the futility of endeavouring to identify 
the Latin names of the different stations on the Roman ways with the 
Anglo-Saxon place names now alone to be found. We will now approach 



26 

nearer to the centre of the midlands, the district covered by the 
charters, deeds, and documents hereafter given. Wall, near Lichfield, 
must have been of very great importance, for it was the most central 
cross road station of any in the country. As such it is nearer to being 
equi-distant from Tynemouth and Southampton, and from Dover and 
Anglesea, than any other cross road station ; in fact, there is no other 
such station anywhere, excepting Wroxeter and High Cross, but the 
latter is not upon the route from Southampton, and the former is too 
near to Anglesea to be thoroughly central. Wall, being at the inter- 
section of the two greatest Eoman ways, Watling and Icknield Streets, 
and nearest to the centre of the country than any other cross road 
station, must have been of vast importance for the dispatch and 
reception of intelligence, both by road and beacon fires, and to withdraw 
and advance troops accordingly. From such a centre beacon fires 
could have flashed forth their signals from Bar Beacon (near Wall and 
close to Icknield Street) to Hopwas Hill, Stapenhill, and the Derbyshire 
Peak, and so on to the north from Bar Beacon again as a centre to 
the Harborne, Lickey, and Malvern Hills towards the south ; or to 
Bickenhill (Beacon Hill), Monk's Kirby, and then on to the east ; or, 
lastly, from the same centre to Shareshill and Wroxeter into Wales. 
It is just such a centre that the immortal Moltke would have selected 
for the head-quarters of himself, his staff, and telegraph office. Wall 
and Chesterfield being at the junction of these two important roads 
(Chesterfield, Csester-feld) show that the fortifications — the foundations of 
some of which now remain — must have been both extensive and 
substantial. Stone, ready to hand, was good and plentiful for the 
purpose, particularly at Hammerwich. The Saxons gave these names 
because some of the walls of the castrum were standing when thev 
first beheld them. Lichfield, or Lech-feld = the field or compus of dead 
bodies, which is in the immediate neighbourhood, shows that there must 



27 

have been many attacks upon and sallies from the fortress, or great 
pitched battles hereabouts. Roman stations appear to have been from 
ten to eighteen miles apart. About fifteen miles is the prevailing 
average distance. It is fifteen miles from Mancetter, near Atherstone 
(the supposed Manduessedum of the Romans), to Wall ; fifteen from 
Wall to Burton, as well as to (Strete-ton) Stretton, on the Watling 
Street, towards Wroxeter ; and, as near as can be, about fifteen from 
Wall, on the Icknield Street, through Sutton Park, to, say a spot 
midway between Metchley and Selly Wick ; and not much more than 
fifteen miles from there to Droitwich and to Alcester = Ald, Old-ceester. 

There are intrenchments in Harborne parish, near Metchley. I 
have not examined them for the purpose, but from what I recollect 
of them they are just such as would serve for a station, or, at least, 
part of one, for some portions no doubt have since been levelled in 
cultivation. The parish of Harborne comes down very near to Selly. 
The Icknield Street seems to make a detour, leaving Birmingham old 
town to the east. This would, doubtless, be because that way is so very 
hilly, whereas the actual route — via Chad Valley, or near to it — would 
give but one hill, the other two, viz. : the ascent of Worcester Street 
and descent of Snow Hill and Constitution Hill. I do not think the 
old Icknield Street was exactly upon the whole of the site of the 
present one now so called, and Monument Road and Chad Road, but 
that it was upon the straight piece from Pitsford Street to the corner 
of Warstone Lane, then near the site of St. George's Church, Edgbastou ; 
over the little hill, under which the West Suburban line runs, and then 
upon or near the other and open portion of that line, to somewhere 
at Selly, at a point near to Selly Wick, the brook, and Metchley Park, 
which little district I believe to be the site of the lost Roman station. 

In the etymology of the place names Harborne and Chad, in Chad 
Valley, we have again the assistance of philology in sustaining local 



28 

history and exhibiting the theory of place naming. Harborne is simply 
Saxon here = an army, and burn = a brook. The burn or brook at 
Harborne was, doubtless, where the horses were taken to water from 
the camp, or were frequently in the habit of fording. The word chad, 
in Chad Valley, means war (see Grimm's and Forstemann's rendering, 
ante). 

War would be a very probable pastime likely to occur occasionally 
in the neighbourhood of a Eoman encampment. I shall be able further 
on to produce such evidence as to the etymology of place names as 
to remove all doubt as to Harborne and Chad Valley. There must 
have been a station somewhere hereabouts, on account of its being 
about equi-distant between "Wall and Alcester, and between Wall and 
Droitwich. It must also have been something more than an ordinary 
station, because it was a junction of Roman ways, and it was evidently 
where a detour took place for a tie or loop line, or way from out 
the Icknield Street, through Droitwich (from which it is about fifteen 
miles), to Gloucester, Bath, and Exeter. 

When the Saxons came into this district there were doubtless traces 
of barrows or something of the kind about Chad Valley and Warstone 
(Hoarstone) Lane, and of the bourne or brook at Harborne having 
been utilized in some way by the Eoman cavalry, or they would not 
have stamped the pure Teutonic place names, Chad, Harborne, and 
War(hoar)stone Lane, upon the district. There is not the slightest 
element of Latin or Celtic in any of these names. To me there are 
several other reasons for fixing upon this district as a station irrespective 
of that of distance between Wall and Alcester and Wall and Droitwich. 
It would place Bar Beacon between it and Wall. It is (at least the 
hill at Harborne) an elevated site, and lire signals would be visible 
from it to Bar Beacon and the Lickey Hills. Again, if the Britons 
used iron in the construction of their chariots, or had scythe blades 



29 

upon the axles, as Csesar alleges, or if the Romans themselves manu- 
factured iron and iron arms in this country, it would most certainly be 
from ore raised at Oldbury and Wednesbury. Oldbury would be nearest 
to the Icknield Street and the station at Harborne Selly Wick. Both 
Oldbury and Wednesbury were doubtless used, and, as the terminal 
of each name indicates, to some extent fortified. It is stated that the 
fortifications at Wednesbury were repaired in A.D. 919. Here, too. 
etymology comes to our aid. Again, Aid = old, in Oldbury, and bury = 
a fortification ; and Woden, in Wednesbury, is from the god of war, 
and the bury again occurs in the terminal ; which places, no doubt, 
when first visited by the Saxons, had not only these fortifications 
remaining, but also indications of iron workings and smelting. In some 
of the following charters, viz. : those of A.D. 1347 and 1349, Smethwick 
is mentioned. Xow this hamlet is in the parish of Harborne, not far 
from Chad Valley and Metchley, near which, I believe, this station 
was, and we must remember that the old part of a district of to-day 
is oftentimes not the same as the old part of a district of some 
thirteen hundred years ago. The site of the church, for instance, is not 
a sure indication in this matter, as the majority of the oldest of them 
were not built until about the thirteenth century. The water or the 
mill are the better guides. It so happens that the place name Smethwick 
is simply from Saxon smitan=to smite, to strike, and wic = a station, 
and means the wic or station or village of the smiths — blacksmiths. 

Wednesfield, Wednesbury, and Oldbury, standing somewhat from off 
the Icknield Eoad, and pushing out towards Salop and Wales as it 
were, might do to raise the ore from and smelt it at ; but the cunning 
old Romans, I take it, would like to have the manufactory of their 
weapons a little nearer their highway and camp at Harborne Selly 
Wick. This etymology of the name Smethwick is not too far fetched 
to suppose this to be the place of manufactory, as I shall hereafter 



30 

indubitably prove by other place names. Smethwick Hall (which is 
about the oldest part of the hamlet) is only one mile and a quarter 
from the Icknield Street, and is in the direct road to Oldbury. 
Wednesbury, although nearer to the Harborne Selly Wick station 
than Wall, seems to have been occupied from the latter place, i.e., the 
iron raised and made at Wednesbury, and then carried to and made 
into munitions of war at Wall. The road and place names indicate 
this. As the fortifications at Wednesbury were repaired in A.D. 919, 
the bury, or Saxon burg = a fortification, in the place name Wednesbury, 
shows that it was fortified from the first, that is, when the Saxons 
first beheld it. The road from Wednesbury to Wall would be through, 
or near to, Bloxwich and Hammerwich, so that it would be protected 
on either side by forts, viz. : Castle Old Fort and Knave's Castle, both 
marked on ordnance map. The primary meaning of wic(h), in Bloxwich 
and Hammerwich, means a station. The h is merely a redundancy for 
the sake of euphony, like the h in monarch and loch. Wic, wick, 
wich, and wych, are discussed in Archaeological Journal, vol. xvii., p. 65, 
Ferguson's Surnames, p. 371, Camden's Eemains, p. 121, Notes and 
Queries, second series, vol. x., p. 227, Taylor's Words and Places, p. 168, 
and in Dugdale, under Castle Bromwich. 

The most remote primary meaning seems to have been what our 
emigrants call a " squatting," or, as when the patriarchs of old, " pitched 
their tents ; " presently it seems more generally to have indicated a 
settlement or station. The Saxons in several instances have applied 
the term to well-known Roman stations. It is a mistake to suppose 
that either of the spellings wic, wick, wich, or wych, ever referred to 
a salt house, or to a bend or reach in a river. Localities for stations 
were often selected by the Romans where salt was to be found, and 
bends of rivers were often selected by the Saxons when excavating 
moated residences against the Danes, because such bends or reaches in 



31 

rivers saved excavating two sides out of four of a square, or a side 
and end of a rectangular parallelogram, whichever form the fortification 
took. Bloc, in Bloxwich, seems to be from Welsh ploc=a mound, a 
block ; Ham, in Hammerwich, is a home, er is a plural, as in German 
kinder and old English ehilder, and wich is a station. The plural er 
would seem to refer to the multiplicity of stations hereabouts, and the 
ham as one specially occupied at the time. Watling Street runs through 
the hamlet of Hammerwich, and perhaps the old " wich," or station, 
was actually upon the road. Knave's Castle is an old fort with 
modern name, perhaps from the highwaymen of coaching days. 

The sites of Walsall Church and Eushall Church and Castle would 
have been good ones, too, for forts for protecting this road. There 
must, as the name indicates, have been an old Saxon hall in the 
meadows at Eushall. Since this was written I have, with my friend 
Mr. Duignan, of Eushall Hall, visited this spot, and found, as I anticipated, 
the dry moat of the old hall. There is one I see now by the ordnance 
map at Walsall, but queiy as to the name of Walsall, i.e., as to 
whether it was from Saxon weal = a wall, or well— a well. The second 
syllable is from salle=the hall on the old moat. Digbeth, in Walsall, 
so similarly situated to Digbeth, Birmingham, viz. : at the base of a 
hill, must have had a like origin to the Birmingham Digbeth. There 
is a very direct road from Wednesbury to Wall by Castle Old Fort, 
and having Harden and Bloxwich Hills and Knave's Castle on the one 
side, and Walsall and Eushall Castle Hills on the other, and entering 
the Watling Street between Knave's Castle and Wall. Bar Beacon is 
but about a mile from the same Eoman road, and being so central 
could be easily worked by pickets, either from off' the way or from 
Wall. Even in their early occupation of the country, the only real 
contingency they had to provide against was when a portion of their 
forces were withdrawn into Gaul a simultaneous rising' of the local 



32 

Britons it; collusion with those already driven into Wales, the Welsh 
themselves, and, at the very worst, by the Caledonians, from sympathy, 
joining them. The various beacon Jires throughout the country would 
be then utilized to meet such a project. Pickets, or detachments of 
troops, upon each beacon hill, with sheds containing dry wood, would 
always be in readiness. Scouts, spies, or pickets, from the various 
stations on the route from Chester, through Wroxeter, Hereford, to 
Caerleon, would be often pushed out to ascertain and give warning of 
any signs of rising in Wales ; and if such symptoms of rising appeared, 
signal fires on each beacon hill nearest those stations would be at once 
kindled on the east side, to hide them from the Welsh, and near the 
tops of the hills, and so on to the next row or chain of hills towards 
the midlands, and then on to the east, so as to signal the whole 
country at once. The mode of signal might be, that when each fire 
was fully kindled, and in full glow, a large hurdle, thatched, with gorse 
or fern, or broom, or some such-like obstruction, should be moved 
before them an understood number of times to cause a temporary 
obscuration, and indicate what action was to be taken in the shape 
of which or what number of troops were to advance westwards to 
meet the rising forces. At night sentinels would no doubt watch these 
beacon fires, so that the moment they were kindled on the western 
chain of hills they would be at once answered by those in the midlands, 
and so on to the east and to the north and south. I have discovered 
other reasons for the before-mentioned detour the Icknield Street takes 
to the west side of Birmingham, besides that of avoiding one of the 
two hills I have mentioned, which will be at once intelligible to the 
most ordinary reader. By reference to the ordnance map it will be 
seen that the direct road from Wall to Alcester would be through 
Birmingham, where we know the Roman road did not go, because 
several straight pieces of the road yet remain, showing that it could 



33 

not have done so, viz. : the well-known perfect portion in Sutton Park, 
the road from thence to the Old Ford at Ferry Bar, that between 
Studley and Alcester, and that between Ipsley and Wetherwick Hill. 
By placing a piece of thread upon the map, and holding the one 
end at Wall and the other at Alcester, this is proved ; but by relaxing 
the end of the thread at Alcester, and diverting the centre of it to 
a point somewhere about equi-distant between Metchley and Selly, it 
will be found that the thread lies flat upon the four portions of straight 
roads mentioned, so that my case is mathematically demonstrated. The 
slight detour produces a most obtuse angle in the whole road at this 
point or station. 

Again, in confirmation of this, there are several pieces of straight 
road upon the present highway from Harborne Selly Wick station to 
Gloucester, indicating the route of the old Roman road, viz. : one 
approaching Worcester from Droitwich, one near Droitwich, another at 
Bromsgrove, and another between Rednall House and Xorthlield ; and 
by placing the thread along these straight pieces of road it will be 
found to intersect the Icknield Street at the point I have indicated 
as a station, near Selly Wick. The place of intersection of these 
roads seems to have been nearer Selly than Metchley. They were not 
always exactly upon the roads, and this would have been sufficiently 
near. This Selly seems quite a district. We have Selly Oak, Selly 
Farm, Selly Park, Selly Hall, and Selly Wick. This was such an 
important junction of roads, viz. : of the Icknield from Southampton 
to Tynemouth, and of the road from Exeter, through Gloucester, Bath, 
and Worcester, that it might have been protected on both sides by 
another fortification on Selly Hill at Selly Wick. This name Selly 
comes to us through the Xorman French, from Salle = a hall. There 
is a hall here now, with a moat, or remains of one. The old historian 
Echard has Sala = a house. The Roman name of this station is of course 

it 



34 

hopelessly lost. And now for another proof of the genuine genius of 
the generals of old Rome. Besides avoiding one of the two sharp 
hills I have mentioned, this detour of the Icknield Street to the west 
of Birmingham was allowable in engineering, because the slight divergence 
is compensated by the saving in the route to Droitwich, Gloucester, 
and Exeter, as it makes that way nearly a straight continuation of 
the Icknield Street from Harborne, through Wall, to the north. The 
reason that so many Roman stations and roads have been mutilated is 
that when cultivation commenced under the Saxons these roads would 
be mostly covered with grass, and the land was laid out, or, rather, 
allotted, without the least pretensions to a system, and altogether without 
regard to the roads which had been made for military purposes only. 
The Saxons were not, like the Romans, always pushing out for the best 
strategic points, but for the best slices of soil, and they cut them out, 
without remorse, wherever they found them. We seldom meet with 
a perfect, straight piece, excepting upon waste or uncultivated spots, 
such as the well-known example in Sutton Park. 

The main object of the detour made by the Icknield Street to 
the west of Birmingham was that they had a particular object in 
crossing the river Tame, at Oldford, now the bridge at Perry Barr. 
I have recently examined this ford, and, to my great delight, found, 
as I expected, that it was fortified by nature and art. In making a 
permanent way across an enemy's country, it is intended to hold and 
occupy, it is necessary, until that country is thoroughly subjugated, to 
guard the fords ; at least, such an one as this, where a main road 
was about being made. This cannot be effectually done unless you 
select the place for fording sufficiently near to some site eligible for 
encampment, i.e., somewhat raised, naturally or artificially, above the 
low-lying meadows to escape the floods. At Oldford the site of the 
encampment is still perfect. It appears that originally it was an irregular 



oO 



hillock of some twenty-five feet in height (on the west side, at lea i ), 
but has been so levelled as to leave the highest part of the rampart 
about twenty, and the lowest about ten feet high. It is on the south 
side of the river, and the commencement of it is not more than thirty 
yards from the bridge. The road leading to Oldford farm runs upon 
the north edge of the rampart almost, but this is now slightly worn 
down. This is the north side of the encampment. The east rampart 
can be plainly seen from the new road leading from out the Perry 
Ban* road to Oldford mills. The south side is distinguishable by a dip 
in the Perry Barr road ; but this side of the rampart is not so plainly 
discernible, as from this dip in the road to the junction of the road 
to Walsall the ground has been slightly raised, as an approach, through 
the low-lying meadows, to the bridge. The west side of the encamp- 
ment is the most elevated, and is at the back of the new houses, and 
runs from the dip in the main road to the back of the villa called 
Perry Pont, near the river. Since inspecting this spot, I have been 
informed by Mr. S. F. Palmer, surgeon, of Birmingham, that many 
Eoman coins have been found here, and that some of them are in his 
possession. See post for a description of these. The Romans must have 
had a stone bridge at this place when the road was completed, though 
it afterwards went to decay, and the name of ford was resumed. The 
road and locality were alike important, and stone so near. Singularly 
enough the etymon of the name Bar is pure Celtic, or Welsh, bar= 
an obstruction, a fortification. And such the Welsh, or ancient Britons, 
doubtless, often found it. A large district afterwards took its name 
from it. The whole district was first simply called Bar, as these, and 
other charters, testify, the same as Castle Bromwich and West Bromwich 
were first called Bromwich only. Wall, in Wallingford, is, no doubt, 
from the Saxon weal, and Latin vallum = a wall or rampart, as in the 
lioman station of Wall, near Lichfield, and has reference to that ford 



36 

being also fortified. This r premise — although I have neither been there, 
nor read anything of the antiquities of the place — Wal-ing-ford = the 
weal, or wall, or rampart in the meadow at the ford. Beacon, in 
Bar Beacon, is pure Saxon, beacen=a signal; perhaps from the verb 
becanan=to beckon. Bar Beacon is so called because of this beacon 
being in the district of the Bar, and linked with it for strategic 
purposes ; as Bickenhill, near Hampton, was once called Church Bicken- 
hill, in contra-distinction to some other Beacon Hill, which I believe 
was near "Bacon's" End, and, in fact, the top of Chelmsley Wood. This 
little district has had several names, but " Beacon End " is the right 
one. The whole of this district, Harborne, Chad Valley, Smethwick, 
Bar, Bar Beacon, Oldbury, Wednesbury, and Wall, must have been of 
very great importance in the time of the Eomans. Oldbury and 
Wednesbury, where iron ore could be raised easier than at any other 
place, were near, and if smelted there, and manufactured into munitions 
of war at Smethwick and Wall, they could from such a central position 
be dispatched regularly to all parts of the country, for, as just pointed 
out, Wall was a cross road station in the centre of their system, and 
the Harborne Selly Wick station had a road branching from it to 
Gloucester, Exeter, and the south-west. 

I am dwelling somewhat upon this part of the country, because, 
generally speaking, it is the ground covered b}^ the charters, deeds, 
and documents, we are about to consider. I have often been struck 
with the observations of that exceedingly clever writer, Mr. Whitaker, 
as to the Eomans having what he called winter and summer stations. 
I think he was the first to discover it. It is remarkably true, but he 
did not thoroughly comprehend the case. There was only one station, 
and this, too, always upon, or very near to the road ; but sometimes 
the commandant was so luxurious in his habits as to indulge in a 
villa, or private residence, near, so that when the military station was 



37 

cold and exposed, the site of the private one was sheltered and warm, 
and vice versa. This kind of thing would not of course be allowed 
until after the country was thoroughly settled. As I have said, Wrexham 
was most probably one of these, and Wroxall, for which see post. 
Some of the Rornan villas are found several miles from the roads. 
These would not be erected until all the roads were made, Wales 
conquered, and the country had for some considerable time been quite 
free from the slightest apprehension of a rising. It strikes me that 
there was a Eoman villa in the lower part of Birmingham, viz. : as 
the place name indicates, at Digbeth. Both syllables in this word are 
Saxon, dig, die, dician=to dig, and baeth=a bath — a dug-bath ; and 
this was perhaps actually done when excavating took place for the site 
of the old church, the north dam of the old moat, or for the well- 
known Lady-well. See post. As is well known, Digbeth and Deritend 
are very old places. The etymon of the latter I gave in a local 
paper some years ago. They are in the oldest part of the town, in 
fact, the only parts of it that are old, the camp at Harborne, or 
Selly, being some distance outside the town. The Saxons had a peculiar 
propensity in following the Romans in the choice of sites ; numerous 
instances of this are discernible throughout the country. Lichheld 
followed Wall ; then there are Gloucester, Bath, Cirencester, Rochester, 
and Alcester, &c, all Saxon place names on Roman sites. This was 
because the Romans had compelled the Britons to cultivate the land 
about those and similar places for them, and the Saxons consequently 
found them prepared for immediate occupation, as it were. 

And now as to the origin of the name and town of Birmingham. 
I have somewhere read that the name Birmingham can be spelt in 
one hundred and forty different ways, but having for some years 
known the real origin of the name, and that the present spelling is 
nearer to the original than any other, 1 have nut trilled in such fancies. 



38 

All likely sources for correct information 1 have of course examined 
with infinite care ; but, such as Dugdale (or, rather, Somner for him), 
and such like authorities, I soon discerned were but as finger posts to 
labyrinths 

" That point, with tottering hand, the ways 
To lead one to the thorny maze." 

Taylor, in " Words and Places," and Fergusson, on " Surnames," have 
followed Kemble, and committed the egregious blunder of supposing 
that most old place names, such as Billing, Colling, Welling, and the 
like, are from proper or personal names. It is stated that there were 
two " ings " in Anglo-Saxon, one presumed to be a patronymic, meaning 
son of, and the other " ing " meaning a meadow ; and as Dr. Charnock 
has well pointed out in " Notes and Queries," fourth series, v. 6, fully 
ninety-five per cent, of the place names with ing in them are from 
ing, a meadow. My belief is that eveiy one of them are, without 
exception. More than this, I am sure they are. I do not believe 
that " ing " was ever used as a patronymic at all. I know of no old 
ascertained place name that was taken from a surname, for the very 
simple reason that surnames only date from tern. Edward IV. See 
Camden's Remains, p. 121. I know of no old ascertained place names 
that are taken from christian names, because it would have been 
childish to have resorted to such a system of nomenclature, and we 
know that the ancients were not childish in these matters. In the 
reign of Edward IV., when surnames were first assumed, our language 
was fully formed, and ing had long ceased to be used in the formation 
of names. 

In such place names as Drayton Bassett, Dray = or dry — ton, or 
homestead, is the old Saxon place name, and Basset the person to 
whom this old Drayton then belonged. The name Bassett is old, and, 
doubtless, from Bosco=a wood, and the French or Norman-French 



80 

suffix = ette, Bascobelle=a fair wood, lias the same derivation. Bosworth 
and Boswell, too, are similar words, but older, as the last syllable in 
each of them is Saxon. 

The oldest family names are nearly all from place names, such as 
Devereux, Percey, and Montfort, excepting a few fanciful ones, like 
Godwin and Baldwin. The majority of the authors who have touched 
upon the subject intimate a belief in the absurd theory of Kemble, 
although they cannot point out a family name that would yield such 
a place name as Birmingham, even with the ing or ham suffix added, 
yet they will all concede so far to the opposite theory as to admit 
that the old place name Birmingham gave birth to the somewhat old 
family name " de " Birmingham, afterwards Birmingham of the fourteenth 
century. After careful search in all the Anglo-Saxon records, the only 
personal name that I have met with that could give the slightest 
colouring to the theory of the name of Birmingham originating from 
it is Beormric (rex), an obscure, East Anglian monarch. The name 
occurs upon a coin mentioned in " East Saxon Coins," by Haigh ; but, 
besides the improbability of this king ever having had anything to do 
with the midlands, his name would give a syllable too much, viz. : 
Beorm(ric)ingham. The most fanciful conjecture I have seen as to the 
origin of the name of Birmingham was from the pen of a most esteemed 
friend, the late Toulmin Smith, Esq., viz. : from the Celtic brimi=tianie. 
Just as though a place could exist for years without a name, or, not 
having received a name until it became notorious for belchiiicr forth 
fire and smoke. I opine that Oldbury, Wodensbury, and Wodensfield, 
were known in ancient lore before they were called the " black 
country." I expect that this surmise of his as to the etymon of 
Birmingham being from brimi= flame, arose from old Dr. Stukeley's 
conjecture that Birmingham is the lost station Bremenium, but in 
Archseological Journal, vol. xvii., p. 3J5, it it stated to be in North- 



10 

umberland. It is impossible to identify these Latin names of Roman 
stations with the present Anglo-Saxon place names, excepting in a few 
instance- where there is a starting point to commence with, and by 
allotting the customary fifteen or eighteen miles between each station. 

This local author lias also made a mistake as to there being a 
Birmingham in Norfolk. By reference to the Liber Eegis, Blomfield's and 
Parkin's Norfolk, vol. viii., p. 97, Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, 
vol. viii., p. 117, Xotes and Queries, second series, vol. x., p. 277, and in 
Edmund's " Names and Places," p. 59, it will be found variously spelt, 
Bnrmingham, Barmingham (query Suffolk), Bemingham, and Brmingham 
(which I believe is the proper spelling) ; bnt in no case can I find it spelt 
as the Warwickshire Birmingham. I have observed, and must reiterate 
the statement, that the essence of the system of nomenclature in place 
names by the Saxons was to mentally catch the physical aspects or 
features of a district or place, and to stamp them, as it were, upon 
the locality and map as place names. Our "cousin" Germans are, to 
this day, renowned, and stand foremost throughout the world in philology 
and physical geography. 

It was upwards of one hundred and fifty years from the exit of 
the Romans to the appearance of the Saxons in Mercia, under Crida. 
The Saxons of the other six earlier settled kingdoms would not have 
penetrated thus far, but simply have held their own. Crida would 
find the Icknield Street mostly covered with grass no doubt, but. 
notwithstanding the skirmishes of the provincial Britons with the Picts 
and Scots, still distinctly visible, with the abandoned stations, and 
intrenchments, and grave mounds, and remains of operations, about 
Wall, Bar, Bar Beacon, Oldbury, Wednesbury, Smethwick, Oldford. 
Chad Valle}', and Harborne Selly Wick, sufficiently apparent to induce 
them to stamp these localities with the nomenclature they still bear, 
for they are all pure Saxon, excepting one name, Bar, and have never 



41 

had any others. The very etymon of each name not only bespeaks, 

but substantiates the fact ; for the Saxons, of all people, eschewed 

fanciful place names. If at this time any lands bore marks of having- 

been cultivated, it would be about such spots as these, as they had 

been occupied as stations for at least three hundred years. Here then, 

and at such like places, the Saxons would first settle, and commence 

cultivating the soil ; but, as is well known, the heptarchy was scarcely 

formed, and not consolidated, before the first invasions of the Danes 

upon the coast of the country commenced. In this dilemma the Saxons, 

not having the skill to thoroughly rebuild or repair the stations and 

deserted fortifications of the Romans, seem to have adopted something 

of the same system of defensive warfare that the Britons resorted 

to when the Eomans subdued them, viz. : to abandon the uplands, and 

betake themselves to the woods, low-lying lands, and morasses, to get out 

of sight, as it were. This procedure of the Britons is well known from 

the accounts of Galen and Dion Cassius. When the Danish inroads 

became persistent and pressing, their only defensive works appear to have 

been a partial rebuilding or strengthening of some few old forts here and 

there, and the construction of innumerable moated residences of various 

sizes. The latter appear to have been made for the purpose of stowing 

away their corn and valuables in, and for the better resisting the attacks 

of the Danes. The dates of the repair and strengthening of the forts 

and of the construction of the more important of the moated places, 

are recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and appear to have been 

pushed on or retarded as the Danish invasions became frequent or few, 

viz. : — In A.D. 88G, London forts were repaired ; 007, Chester was 

repaired; 1)10, Bransbury ; 912, Bridgenorth built and Shergate ; 913, 

Hertford, Witham, and Tamworth, and Stafford ; 914, Eldesbury and 

Warwick; 915, Chirbury, Warburton, and Eunkorn ; 918, Buckingham; 

919, Bedford; 920, Maiden ; 921. Towcester, Wigmore, Huntington, and 



42 

Colchester; 022, Stamford and Nottingham; 023, Thelwall and Man- 
chester; and 024, Bakewell, &c. 

A vast number of moated residences were constructed about this 
time throughout the country, but particularly in the neighbourhood of 
the Watling Street, which at one time was a boundary line between 
the Saxons and Danes. The old moated residence in Birmingham 
would be constructed about the same time that Bridgenorth fortifications 
were built, and Tamworth, and Wednesbury, and Warwick, were repaired 
or strengthened. It would be upon the land of the largest landowner 
or thane of the district, and his neighbours would doubtless assist him ; 
and he would reciprocate by storing their valuables when the Danes 
approached. These moated residences were in hidden and sequestered 
valleys, not only to secure a constant supply of water for the moats, 
but with the hope that some of them would be overlooked. The 
Anglo-Saxons, like the moderns, had several names descriptive of a 
human habitation, such as stow, tun, stead, and ham or home. These 
various words expressed much the same meaning as our seat, mansion, 
hall, and residence, and they were as synonymous as these modern 
names of ours are. The name applied to the habitation upon the 
old moat in Birmingham was the ham = home. It was in an ing= 
meadow — a home in the meadow— and this meadow relatively, and 
with respect to the contour of the district, was in the bosom of the 
hills, beorm in Saxon meaning bosom (see Anglo Saxon Dictionary), so 
that it would be ham = the home ; in£=in the meadow, beorm of the 
bosom. The home in the meadow, in the bosom = Beormingham — 
bosom — meadow — home — i.e., between the hills, bosom is Saxon also, 
but the two words have the same meaning as bosom and breasts have 
with us. In its primary and widest sense it is a close place, a place 
of concealment, a hiding place. Job c. xxxi. v. 33, "Hiding mine 
iniquity in my bosom." The two hills or hillocks, High Street with 



Snow Hill and Camp Hill, with the little valley of the Eea between 
them (in which this home was situated), constitute together a perfect 
representation of the human bosom, and when these two hills, tops 
and declivities, were clothed with gigantic timber, this moated residence 
would be a place of concealment — a very close place indeed. Camp 
Hill in itself is a perfect breast-like hill. High Street and Snow Hill 
are but the northern and southern declivities of the same hill, and in 
contour, size, and in being about equi-distant from the old moat, 
correspond exactly with Camp Hill. The marvellous appropriateness of 
the allusion is enhanced when we farther consider that the simile is a 
double one ; for this old moated home was between the bosoms of 
hills, for there are four in number — viz., High Street, with Snow 
Hill and Constitution Hill on the north, and Camp Hill with Sparkhill, 
or the hill at the commencement of the Coventry Eoad, on the south. 
This interpretation of the name of Birmingham I can render mathe- 
matically demonstrative. Take Leam-ing-ton, for instance — tun = the 
homestead; ing=in the meadow; Learn = of the Learn — the homestead 
in the meadow of the river Learn. Again, take a gazetteer and select 
every place name with this element in them, viz., beorm, berm, barm, 
or burm ; then take your Ordnance map (large scale), and if anything 
like the old spelling lias been preserved, you will find all these places 
in or between the bosoms of hills. If you find an instance in which 
this is not the case, the old spelling is lost, and by reference to fac- 
simile of Doomsday, Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, or 
Thorpe's Diplomatarium Anglicum, it will appear so if the place name 
should be mentioned in those works. I once tested this in eight 
or nine cases, but did not trouble to take notes. T will cite three 
cases from memory, viz., Burmington, near Shipston, Warwickshire, 
Barming in Kent, and Barmston, Yorkshire. These Anglo-Saxons, these 
progenitors of our mother tongue, seem to have held a reflector, a 



44 

burning " mirror up to nature," as it were, and to have branded the 
earth with the reflection of her own features, in the shape of place 
names. This marvellous expressiveness, this matchless naturalness, is 
the secret of Shakespeare's power, and it 

" Made the word Miltonic mean sublime." 

See chapter 8 for further particulars as to this place name. 

And now I must conclude my preliminary remarks, after having 
led my readers, step by step, to the metropolis of the midlands, the 
centre of the circle described by the charters, deeds, and documents 
I am about to exhibit ; and if, in their perusal, they experience but a 
tithe of the pleasure that I have had in deciphering them, they will 
be amply compensated. 

My etymological efforts in the foregoing essay, and subsequent 
notes, are but faint attempts to carry out the excellent advice of our 
old dramatist, Dekker, — 

" Let us cut out our outlandish, 
Neate's tongues, and talk like 
Regenerate Britons." 



CHAPTER II. 

Translations, Copies, and Abstracts of the Charters, Deeds, Documents, 

and Assessments, &c. 

" They are the abstract and brief chronicles of the time." — Shakespeare. 

The greater portion of these documents are in the reference 
department of the Birmingham Free Library, and will be found under 
the heads of Warwickshire and Staffordshire Manuscripts in the catalogue. 
The others are in my possession, and can be seen by any gentleman 
who wishes to consult them for literary purposes. If any one is 
inclined to think that some of them here given would have been 
better omitted, as their publicity savours far too much of genealogical 
effort and effect, I must remark that such was not the object of the 
author, as is patent to those who know him, and can be easily 
gleaned by those who do not, from the profuse sneers at all heraldry 
and genealogy scattered throughout his pages. Without viewing the 
ensemble, one proposition of his programme could not have been 
carried out, viz. : the unique case of ownership and occupancy of land 
by one family from the Conquest. This, he considers, as not the least 
important in the list, believing, with the pious Cowper, that the greater 
and lesser barons, by grabbing all the commons and free land they 
could, and dubbing them " manors, or reputed manors," as hereinafter 
explained, pulled as much free land into the vortex of the feudal 
system as " William the Bastard, who (they said) did not conquer 
England himself." 

" Thy chiefs, the lords of many a petty fee, 
Provok'd and harass'd, in return plagued thee." 

These documents show that some land escaped from this fearful vortex, 
and remained free. In private charters, for conveying small properties, the 



46 

dates were seldom given prior to the reign of Edward T. The names of 
vendors and purchasers, adjoining proprietors and witnesses in the attesta- 
tion clause, together with that of the scribe (who was generally the priest), 
appeared to have been considered sufficient. The estimated dates of 
I hose of the reigns of Henry II. and III. were determined by my 
friend, the late Mr. Joseph Burt, of the Record office, after comparison 
with similar charters there. 

N.B. — (To save expense in printing and time in reading, I have abbreviated these 
charters by omitting the tiresome repetitions which would otherwise appear in such a 
number of similar documents following each other. They generally commence, Sciant 
presentes et futuro, which is variously rendered — Let the present and future know ; 
or, Know all men present and to come. The Latin is so contracted that in many 
places only about two or three letters are given of each word. The well-known legal 
term, To have and to hold, is sometimes contracted to " Hen. t. Ten." The date 
29th, Edward III., would in Latin be, Anno regni regis Edwardi tertius post con- 
questu vicesimo nono. Tbis, in many cases, would be contracted down to, An : reg : 
regs : Edwr : ter : p : conq : vismo : nono : i.e., In the twenty-ninth year of the reign 
of King Edward from the Conquest the third. Instead of the modern long-winded 
attestation clause, old charters have simply " Hij's test:" = In witness, etc. They are 
generally dated on Sundays, or saint's days, because vendors, and purchasers, adjoining 
proprietors, and attesting witnesses, would be then easily got together ; and supposing 
such a Sunday to be the one next before the feast of saints, Simon and Jude, the 
contracted Latin would in many cases be no more than, die Jov : pxm : a: f: SS : 
S et. J.) 

A.D. 1171 (about). I, Henry, of the Castle of Bromwich (Hen: 
de Castello de Browihc), have given to Eichard, son (til) of Gilbert 
above the Moor, part of a meadow in Littheleolm, viz., the said meadow 
which Henry of the Castle bought of Walter, son (HI) of Eichard de 
Bradewelle, lying in the head corner of Tame. The said Eichard to 
have a right of way to the same, and that I, the said Henry, may 
have a path for going out from Schitecroft to my meadow of Lettheleolm. 
Witnesses. Eobert (Fitz : Hen.), son of Henry, Geoffrey (de la) of the 



47 

Clif, Adam (Fitz), son of Henry, Richard (Fitz), son of Henry, Hugh 
(de la) of the Haii, and others. Temp. Hen. II. 

Note 1 to Charter 1. This Henry, mentioned as of the Castle, was not the 
owner, as will appear by subsequent notes. The field " Schitecroft " is, even to this 
day, called Shut Croft. It is from Celtic, Cath=battle. The s came into the word 
through the Norman-French (see post as to Kit Hill Croft, &c, and a battle here- 
abouts.) 

This Hugh of the Hay (Haii) was simply a witness living in a part of what 
was formerly the Hay, but which at this time was thrown open for cultivation. The 
Haye first belonged exclusively to the Chattok's, i.e , after it was " put out of regard," 
or discontinued as a royal preserve, as will appear by subsequent charters and deeds. 
The spelling Haii, or Hay, is Norman-French. 

The etymon of this word Haii, or Hay, is from Saxon, Hasg=enclosure by 
hedge ; and all such Hays were in forests, and originally kept exclusively for royal 
sport, as appears from the following extracts, principally from the Rev. R. W. Eyton's 
excellent History of Shropshire, which extracts of his are quoted literally from the 
Public Records. 

In Eyton's Salop, vols. i. and ii. (bound together), p. 45, " King's Hay of 
Sherlot " is mentioned ; p. 83, ditto ; p. 81, " Hayes ; enclosures in forests ; " p. 73, 
" Quatford was formerly royal demesne, and had two Hays ; " p. 257, " Chapel Hays 
is royal demesne." Vol. iii., p. 297, "Hay of the lord the king.*' Vols. v. and vi., 
pp. 44 and 198, a " Hay in royal demesne ; " pp. 212-13, " No road to be allowed 
in the said Hay for man or beast." From this we see that the rigour of the forest 
law was such that the earliest enclosures by hedges were not to protect cultivation, 
but the game. Vol. vi., p. 191, "King's Hays of Herefordshire" mentioned ; pp. Q07 
and 208, " Royal Hay " and " Royal Hay of the King " mentioned ; pp. 338 and 
340, "King's Hay," "Hays, or royal preserves" used; p. 341, "Royal Hays;" p. 344, 
" Two King's Hays were to continue forest " in A.D. 1300. Vol. ix., p. 393, " Royal 
forest of Haijci-oit " mentioned. Vol. ix., p. 46, "King's Hay;" p. 147, ditto; p. 49, 
"Crown rent of Hay, 6s. 8d. ; " p. 147, "King's Hay." Vol. xi., p. 31, "Royal 
Hays." Vol. xii., p. 4, ditto; p. 12, ditto; p. 182, "Hay, an enclosure in a forest." 
In " Notes and Queries," second series, vol. viii., p. 237, Hays are said to be " of 
Saxon origin, and adjoining castles." Elisha Cole has " haw=Hay, or hedge." In 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle "Hays" are called a "kind of sewell." This term gave name 



48 

to that very old-fashioned large kind of rabbit not called a " Hay." In Taylor's 
" Words and Places," p. 120, we have " Haye is an enclosure by hedge for the 
chase." In Blomfield's and Parkin's " History of Norfolk," vol. i., p. 2, a Hagh is 
mentioned there as early as the reign of Canute. In vols. iii. and iv. (bound together) 
of Ey ton's Salop, at p. 29G, it also has " Two Hays in royal forest of Sherlot." 
In vols. v. and vi. of same work, p. IDS, it states, '-Hays of Stoke and Ditton are 
demesne lands. In Maddox's History of the Exchequer, p. 174, mention is made of 
a " King's Hay in Normandy ; " and at p. 177 it states that there were " farmers " 
upon some of the crown lands in England previous to the Conquest. These "farmers" 
were not agriculturists, but farmers of the revenues of the crown lands. They would 
be absolutely requisite, considering the vast tracts of crown lands of the several 
defunct kings of the Saxon heptarchy in different parts of the country, all centering 
in Egbert and his successors ; and this bears out what I hereafter contend for, viz. : 
that Jews were afterwards frequently employed in this capacity. 

A.D. 1241. I, William, (Fitz) son of John (le coup :) the Cooper 
of Bokenliolt, have given to Geoffrey (Fitz), son of Henry of Yerdeley, 
for a certain sum of money which he gave to me at the time, a 
place of land lying in Bokenliolt, in length from my land to the land 
of the said Geoffrey on the other part. Witnesses, Geoffrey Bratun, 
Richard (Fitz), son of Ranulf, Jnrdan Bratim, John Chattok, Thomas 
(de la) of the Scherd, clerk, and others. Temp. Henry III. 

(2) This Bokenliolt was a district in the Haye. The etymology of the word 
is buck-wood, or the district (en) of that wood, and at this time was gradually being 
carved out for cultivation. There is now about four acres of it called the Plough, 
from Saxon hreof— rugged, uncultivated. It is very hilly, with a north aspect, and 
has never yet been cultivated, and is even now half covered with timber. Forty 
years ago it was completely covered. It is still so called in reference book of Tithe 
Commutation Map. The witness Jordon Bratun, or Briton, is a Jewish name, and, 
with other similar names, will be noticed again. 

The Sherd is now Shard End, still so called, and is from Schard=a gap, or 
opening, in a wood. 

A.D. 1246. I, William (le Coup:) the Cooper of Bokenliolt have 

given to Adam (le) the Smith, of the same place, two selions of land 



49 

lying in the Held called Bokenholdefeld, in length between the headlands 
of the said William, in width between the land of the said William 
on one side, and the land of Adam Folcham on the other side. 
Witnesses, Eanulf Bate, William Aleyn, John (le) the Webbe (the 
weaver), John Chattok, Eichard of the Shard, and others. Temp. 
Hen: III. 

(3) Bokenholdefeld is the campus, or field, being gradually carved out of Bocken- 
liolt, or Buck Wood. Kauulf Bate is also a Jewish name, and it should be observed 
here that these Hebrews, unlike the others, have a surname, as well as all those of 
the name of Chattok. 

A.D. 1250. I, Alice, daughter of Ralph, the clerk of Bokenholt, 
in Browych, have given to Isabelle Brid, and Margire, her daughter, 
a place of land at Bokenholt, lying in length from the highway to 
the held which is called Bokenholdeveld, in width between the road 
which leads towards the field of Bokenholt on one part, and the court- 
yard of Geoffrey Bratun on the other part. Witnesses, Geoffrey Bratun, 
John (Fitz), the son of Eichard, William (de) of Wolvenhale, William 
(le) the Cooper, Thomas Teynterel, clerk, and others. (Tern : Hen : III.) 

(4) This Alice, daughter of Ralph the Clerk, clearly shows that priests married 
at this time. This Brid I believe is also a Jewish name, and she has Christian name 
also. These Jordans, Britons, Brids, and others, were I believe, together with Chattoks 
(Shetach), Anglo-Hebrew Christians. See post. Wolvenhale is the place in Warwick- 
shire of that name. 

A.D. 1251. I, Philip, (Fitz) son of Henry (de) of Bromwych, have 
given to Geoffrey (Fitz), son of Hugh, five sellions of land lying- 
together over Calvescroft, in width between the land of Eoger of 
Somerlond and the land of Adam Huggen, in length from the road 
which leads towards the mill as far as the road which leads towards 
certain water called Thame. Witnesses, Annselm (de) of Bromwych, 
Thomas (de Castello) of Castle, Henry Mounfort, Eoger (de) of Somerlond, 
William (de la) of the Hay, and many others. (Hen. III.) 

E 



50 

(5) This charter shows the great antiquity of Castle Bromwich Mill. There is a 
Thomas of the Castle mentioned here ; but as the scribe has given Anslem de Bromwich 
precedence in the attestation clause, it is evident that this Thomas was not the owner 
of the castle, or his name would have stood first. Names frequently occur as at or 
of a castle in old charters, when, in fact, the bearers of them were chaplains, stewards, 
or even simple domestics. See charter of 1296, in which a Thomas at the same castle 
is a priest, and was evidently the scribe who wrote the charter, as he modestly places 
his own name last as witness ; also chapter vii., in which this castle is proved to have 
been a royal one, from the public rolls at the Record office. This Henry Mountfort was 
of the celebrated Montfort family. They resided at Kingshurst, and afterwards at 
Coleshill, and continued for several generations. Dugdale states that they were at 
Kingshurst first. 

A.D. 1252. I, John, (fil) son of Kichard Kydele, have given to 
William, son of Henry, (Fitz) son of Stephen of Bromwig, for four silver 
marks, which he gave to me at the time, parts of a messuage, with 
a courtyard, and of a croft, with the appurtenances in Castle Bromwig, 
which lie between the messuage of William Alein and the road which 
leads towards Bokenholdefeld, and the third part of two tenements 
which Lecia, my mother, holds in dower of my heritage, which 
tenements, after the death of the same Lecia, ought to revert to me 
and my heirs, shall revert to the said William and his heirs. Witnesses, 
Anselm (de) of Bromwig, Henry (Fitz), son of Eobert of the same 
John (de la) of the Clif, Henry Munford, John (Fitz), son oi Kichard, 
and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1254. I, Henry, (Fitz) son of Eobert (de) of Bromwych, 
have given to Gilbert (de) of Berwood, for twenty-two shillings, which 
he gave me at the time, five selions of land, witli the headland in 
Bokenholdefeld, lying in length between the garden formerly of John 
(le coup) the Cooper and the land which was formerly of Adam (le) 
the Smith of Stichford, in width between the land which was of John (le) 
the Cooper and the Crosfeld, with the hedge and ditch there, so that the 



51 

said Gilbert and liis heirs may take an opening of the ditch in the Crosfeld 
of the width of four feet. Witnesses, Anselm (de) of Bromwic, Eichard, 
(Fitz) son of Henry, Adam, (Fitz) son of Henry, William (de) of 
Berwood, Thomas (de la) of the Shard, clerk, and others. (Hen. III.) 

(6) The place name Stechford is from Saxon, Stac=a stake or pile, and ford. 
The bridge is not a very old one, and the ford had a footway for passengers upon 
oak stakes, or piles, with a handrail formerly. Apropos of Adam le Smith of Stech- 
ford, there has been a smithy at this little place ever since the date of this charter. 
There was also a sword mill, for grinding sword blades, at work here until within 
the last sixty years. It was worked by water, and the mill pond can still be traced, 
and some of the brick work, in which the wheel was fixed, remains. They are about 
one hundred and seventy-five yards north-west of the bridge over the Cole, at Stechford. 
Berwood is from Bear, Bearwood, and was the little district in which Berwood Hall is 
situated. 

A.D. 1253. I, Henry, (Fitz) son of Eichard (de) of Brochurst, 
have given to my brother John, for his service, a place of land and 
meadow, with a garden, in Castle Bromwig, lying between the land of 
Eobert (de) of Bradewell and the field which is called Oldecroft, as 
it is enclosed by a hedge and ditch. I have also given and granted 
to the said John three selions of land in Oldecroft, lying in land 
between the said place and the land of Margarete (de) of Sheldon, in 
width between the land of Adam Alterdemor (above the moor) and 
the land of Eobert (de) of Bradewell. Witnesses, Anselm (de) of 
Bromwic, Thomas (de) of the Castel, Eoger (de) of Somerlond, William 
(de) of Brochurst, Henry (de) of Scharpmor, and others. (Temp. 
Hen. III.) 

(7) Brochurst means badger, wood. A Brocks (i.e., Brockhurst) field is still on 
parish plan. Brockenhurst, Hants, and several other similar place names, have the 
same origin. Bradwell is from Broad Well, and was in Little Bromwich, I believe. 
Scharpmore was where the Castle Bromwich meadows ended, in a very sharp or acute 
angle, near Bromford Bridge. The parish plan still shows this. 



52 

A.D. 1259. I, Henry, (Fit/. Guill : atte Mere tie Erdynton,) son 

of William at the Moor of Erdynton, have given to (Hugo : de la 
Hay) Hugh of the Hay, a certain meadow in Erdington, namely: all 
that meadow which I had lying at the lower head of Bradeford, 
between Asholt, formerly of John, Forrester (de) of Erdinton and Alfrid's 
Pol, rendering thence annually to me and my heirs a rose on the day 
of S. John the Baptist, if I, Henry, and any of my heirs at the house 
of the said Hugo at the Oldehay shall cause to demand the said 
flower on the said day and place. And for this gift, grant, and 
confirmation of this charter, the said Hugh has given to me six shillings 
of silver, by way of fine. Witnesses, (Walt : Fitz : Sim. de la Wode) 
Walter, son of Simon of the Wood of Erdington, Simon, (Fitz) son of 
Osbet of the same, (Vine : de la Wode) Vincent of the Wood, Eichard, 
(Fitz) son of Henry the clerk, Adam, (Fitz) son of Henry, and others. 
(Hen: III.) 

(8) " Asholt "=Ashwood, is still mentioned in reference book, and on parish plan, 
in Erdington. The moor of Erdington is the little valley between Mere Green and Birches 
Green. There are remains of two moats near here, and I think the vendor may have 
lived in one of them. One is in a small turf field, on the right hand side of the lane, 
leading from Mere Green to Holly Lane. It is about eighty yards from the lane, and, 
with a " practised " eye, is visible from it. I discovered it in this way. There are two 
cottages in this lane, with sandstone foundations — one near to this dry moat. The 
moment I saw the sandstones I knew that they had been taken from a superior structure, 
as it is not a stone district. A solitary old yew tree also is a good indication as to an 
old residence. The other, which is the largest, is in the lane leading from Mere Green 
to Birches Green, on the right hand as thus traversed, and at the corner of a new 
road, leading from thence to the church. It is a very large, perfect dry moat. There 
are some large red sandstones in the foundation of a farm building in the station road. 
They were, no doubt, from one of these moats. "Alfred's Poles" is the new enclosure, 
with poles, of one Alfred. This mode of enclosure was the same as the most "enlightened" 
savages have since hit upon, and the same as squatters in back woods now adopt, viz. : 
to insert strong, forked boughs in the ground in the place of posts ; rest long, straight 



saplings, or poles, for rails, upon these forked boughs, and tie them with withs, to save 
mortising or nailing. Bassett's Pole, near Canwell, was so named from this mode of fencing. 
Some of the last enclosures — or, perhaps, more likely, encroachments — of the old family of 
Bassette of Drayton extended to there. The family of the once famous Poles took their 
name from this mode of fencing (de la Pole) — Poles-worth. The family of Hedges was 
from H?eg=a hedge, the Saxon for that name ; and the family of (de la) Hay arose in 
the same way. The " old " Hay being mentioned here shows that some of the Hay was 
disafforested very early. Hugo de la Hay of this charter would be simply a resident in 
the cultivated portion of the Hay. " Eic fil do Henric : clerk," is another proof of 
priests marrying. 

A.D. 12G0. I, William (de) of Bromwyc, clerk, have given, 
granted, and by this, my present charter, confirmed, unto Eichard (de) 
of Brocknrst, a parcel of land in Erdintone, in exchange for another 
parcel of land, and the said parcel lies between the land of Eichard, 
son of Hugh of Bromwyc, and the meadow of Simon of the Brook of 
Erdintone and my land, which I have taken in exchange from the 
said Eichard, and eightpence of animal rent, which he used to render 
to me for various tenements in exchange for a parcel of land in 
Bromwyc which lies in the olde haysmor. Witnesses, Eichard, (fil) 
son of Henry, Eoger (de) of the Somerlond, and others, Henry (de) 
of Brocurst, Hugh (de) of the Hay, Eannlf (de) of Somerlond. (Hen : III.) 

(9) This Brook of Erdington is either the one in the valley, between Mere and 
Birches Green, or the one hereafter called the (i old Rea " in charter of A.D. 14C1. 
The olde haymor was the whole of the meadows in the Tame valley, between Park Hall 
and Scharpmor, near Bromford, i.e., the meadows on the south side of the river in 
Castle Broinwich. The river Tame divides the hamlets of Erdington and Castle 
Bromwich. 

.A.D. 1261. I, Eichard, (fil) son of Eannlf (de) of the Somerlond, 
have given to Geoffrey, (fil) son of Hugh (de) of the Hay, two selions 
of arable land, with the appurtenances, in the village of Bromycli, 
lying in the Old-croft, in length from the land of John (de) Blound 



54 

to the land of John, (fil) the son of Richard (de) of Brochnrst, in 
width between the land of Hugh (de) of the Hay on one part and 
the land of the said Geoffrey on the other. Witnesses, Roger (de) of 
the Somerlond, Henry (de) of Scharpmore, William (de) of Brochnrst, 
Hugh (de) of the Hay, William (de) of the Hay, and others. (Hen. III.) 
(10) This Somerland was warm-lying land, with a south aspect, and was, I think, 
between the Firs House and the so-called Mont House Farm, of which hereafter. John 
de Blound gave name to a field now called the Blounce, or Blounts, still on parish 
plan. Hugh and William of the Hay mentioned here as witnesses would be cottagers. 

A.D. 12G2. I, Richard, (fil) son of Richard, (fil) son of Henry 
(de) of Bromwik, have given to Roger, (fil) son of Ranulf (de) of 
Somerlond of the same, half an acre of land in the Newhay, in length 
between the new meadow of Ranulf (de) of Somerlond and the land of 
Roger (de) of Somerlond, and in width between the land of the said 
Roger (de) of Somerlond and the land of Richard, (fil) son of Hugh. 
Witnesses, Ranulf (de) of Somerlond, Roger (de) of Somerlond, William, 
clerk, Henry (de) of Sarpemor, Henry, (fil) son of Richard, Hugh (le) 
the Mercer, William (de) of Brokhurst, and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1263. I, Richard, (fil) son of Hugh (de) of the Hay, have 
given to Christiana, formerly wife of Gilbert (de la) of the Hooc, a 
courtyard in Brockurst, lying in length between the courtyard of Felicia 
Aldic and the courtyard of the said Christiana, and in width between 
the Middelfeld of Brochurst and the road which leads from Brockurst 
towards the mill of Browyc. Witnesses, Roger (de) of the Somerlond, 
Hugh (de) of the Hay, Richard (de) of the Hay, Ranulf (de) of the 
Somerlond, Henry (de) of Scarpmor, and others. (Hen. III.) 

(11) This name Hooc is, doubtless, a corruption of Oak. Gilbert of the Oak. As 
Ash gave name to Nash. 

A.D. 1264. I, Thomas, (fil) son of Roger of Brocwrst, have given 
to Richard, (fil) son of Ranulf of the Somerlond, three bits of my 



55 

arable land in the field of Brocurst, and lying in length from my land 
to the courtyard of Henry of Scharpmour, in width between the land 
of Eanulf (de) of the Somerlond on one part, and the land of Henry, 
(111) son of Hugh, on the other. Witnesses, Eoger (de) of the Somer- 
lond, Eanulf (de) of the Somerlond, William (de la) of the Hay, William 
(de) of Brocwrst, Henry (de) of Scharpmour, and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1265. I, Eoger, (ill) son of Thomas of Brochurst, have given 
to Ealph (le) the Smith of Bokenholt and Amicia, his wife, for six 
shillings, which he gave to me at the time, two selions of land lying 
in Brochurstlefeld, in length from the road which leads towards the 
house of Henry (de) of Scharpmor as far as the Hanedaker, in width 
between the land of Thomas (de) oi Brochurst on one part and the 
land of William Colemon and William Belamy on the other part. 
Witnesses, Eoger (de) of the Somerlond, Hugh (le) the Merser, Henry 
(de) of Scharpmour, Henry (de) of the Somerlond, Thomas (de la) of 
the Schard, clerk, and others. (Hen. III.) 

(12) This "Ralph the Smith of Bokenholt" shows that there was a smithy at 
Hay Hall (see Ordnance Map), the moated residence of the Chattocks. 

A.D. 1267. I, Eichard, (fil) son of Hugh (de la) of the Hay, have 
given to Eoger, (fil) son of Eichard, (fil) son of Henry (de) of Bromwych, 
for nine shillings of silver, which he gave to me at the time, two 
selions of land, with the appurtenances, lying in the Newehay, in length 
from the land of Henry, (fil) son of Eenulf, to a certain road which 
leads towards Tame, in width between my land on one part, of the 
land of the said Eoger on the other. Witnesses, Eoger (de) of the 
Somerlond, Henry, (fil) son of Eichard, Henry, (fil) son of Eanulf, 
Henry (de) of Scharpmoor, Hugh (le) the Mercer, and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1269. I, Eichard, (fil) son of Osbert Crofte, have given to 
Walter (de) of Middleton, for three shillings of silver, which he has 



56 

given to me in hand, a certain place of my garden in Bromwic, which 
contain in width forty-five feet, so that the orchards and trees of a 
neighbour of such measure were for a boundary between us, in length 
between Croft's Meadow and the road which leads towards Bromford. 
Witnesses, Koger (de) of the Somerlond, Eanulf (de) of the Somerlond, 
Henry (de) of Scharpmoor, Stephen (of) Altredemor, Richard (de) of 
the Holies, and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1270. Let the present and future know that I, Walter, (fil) 
son of Hugh (de) of the Hoc, have given to Richard, (fil) son of Richard 
of Brochurst, for his service, and for two shillings and sixpence, which 
he cave to me in hand, a place of land, with the appurtenances, in 
the Yill of Bromwic, lying in length and width between the land of 
the said Walter and the land of the said Eichard, and a certain rivulet 
by certain boundaries there made. Witnesses, Rodger (de) of Somerlond, 
Eanulf (de) of Somerlond, Henry (de) of Brochurst, Stephen (of) Altre- 
demor, Henry (de) of Scharpmor, and others. (Hen. III.) 

A.D. 1271. I, Roger, (fil) son of Ralph (de) of Brochurst, have 
given to Roger, (fil) son of Henry (de) of Somerlond, for his service, 
two selions of land, lying in the field of Brochurst, namely, those 
which lye in width between the land of Hugh (de la) of the Hay on 
one part, and between the heads of the selions of the lower furlong 
on the other, and extend in length from the hedge of the Hayfield 
to the road which leads between my house and the house of Richard 
of Hyntes. Witnesses, Henry (de) of the Castle (de) of Bromwych, 
Geoffrey (de la) of the Cliff, Adam, (fil) son of Henry, Eanulf (of) 
Altredemor, William (le) the Quercu, Eanulf (de) of Somerlond, Hugh 
(de la) of the Hay, and others. (Hen. III.) 

(13) The Hayfield mentioned in this charter is the name of an enclosure cawed 
out of the Hay. By subsequent charters and deeds it appears corrupted into " Highneld," 
and is so incorrectly named on the parish plan. " Kic. de Hyntes " would be from 



57 

Hints, near Tamwor'th. " Will : le Qurcu " is William the Woodman ; from the Latin 
qurcus, an oak. Alre-de-mor is simply above the moor. 

A.D. 1273. I, Thomas, (fil) son of Robert, formerly of Bromwic, 
have given to Roger of the Somerlond of Bromwic, for twelve shillings, 
an acre of land, with the appurtenances, in my waste land, lying at 
Bolemere, in length from Cleyford to my waste land, and in width 
between the heye (enclosure) which my father formerly held and the 
land of Richard Mol, and a place of land in the Oldehays more, 
lying between the carriage road which leads towards the mill of 
Bromwic and the terms and boundaries there made. Witnesses, Henry 
(de) of the Castle, Geoffrey (de la) of the Clif, Hugh (de la) of the 
Hay, Henry (de) of Brochurst, Ranulf (de) of Somerlond, and others. 
(Edward I.) 

(14) Bolemere is now called Bolmers on parish plan. It is a mere or moor of a 
bowl or boll-like contour in the valley of the Cole, south of Hodge Hill Common. Clay- 
ford I take to be Coleford, leading out of Castle Bromwich hamlet into Yardley parish, 
close to Cole Hall, for the clay soil commences the moment the ford is passed. "Geof : 
de la Cliff " may have been from Cliff, between Kingsbury and Tamworth, or some other 
such steep precipice-like site. 

A.D. 1275. I, Alice, formerly wife of William, son of Alan of 
Bromwyche, widow, have given to Hugh (de) of the Hay two places 
of land in the Oldehayesmor, whereof one place lies in the lower head 
of the Oldehayesmor in length, and in width between the land of the 
said Hugh and the king's highway which leads from the house of 
Roger of Brochurst towards the mill of Bromwych on one part, and 
between the land of the said Huo-h. towards the said mill on the 
other. And the other place of land lies in the upper head of the 
Oldehayesmor, between the land of the said Hugh and the road leading 
towards the mill. In testimony, &c, Henry de Castro, Geoffrey (de la) of 
the Clif, Adam, (fil) son of Henry, Richard, (fil) son of Henry, clerk. 



58 

Eanulf (de) of Somerlond, Eanulf (of) Altredemor, Sir Wm. Chaplain, 
and others. (Edward I. or Hen. III.) 

(15) The "Sir" in "Sir William, Chaplain" is a term of courtesy sometimes 
applied to the priest at this period. His name was simply William the Chaplain. The 
old pedigree mongers have many times commenced the descent of a family they wish to 
glorify with such a " Sir," and passed him off as a Knight Banneret, to the great joy 
of the family and benefit to their own pockets. The " Sir " Heraud de Arden, of 
Dugdale, appears to me marvellously like one of these. 

A.D. 1276. I, Henry, (fil) son of John (de) of Warrewyche, have 
given to William, (fil) son of William Colemon and Juliana, his wife, 
for a certain sum of money, a selion of land in Hemeveld, lying in 
length from the land of Anselm (de) of Bromwych to the land of 
Henry, (fil) son of Eichard, in width between my land on one side 
and the land of Eichard, (fil) son of John of the Scherd, on the other 
side. Witnesses, John (de la) of the Clif, Henry Munford, John, (fil) 
son of Adam, Henry (atte) at the Well, William Abell, and others. 

(16) "Hemeveld" here mentioned is the Hamfeld=Homefield, a field at or near 
the house. " Hen : atte Well " is probably St. Lawrence's Well, on the Mill Hill, near 
the Castle Hills, noticed hereafter. " William Abel " is, evidently, a Jewish name ; and 
the " Henry Munfort " is Mountfort of Kingshurst Hall. The name occurs frequently 
in these charters ; but, as I do not purpose loading these notes with accounts of them, 
I must refer my reader to a subsequent chapter ; and also as to Marmion, Devereux, 
and others. 

A.D. 1278. I, Henry, (fil) son of John (de) of Warrwyke, have 
given to John, (fil) son of Eichard (de) of Brochurst, a selion of land 
in the Homefeld, lying in length between the land of Anselm of 
Bromwych and Henry Munford. In testimony, &c., Annslm (de) of 
Bromwych, Thomas (de) of Wateley, Eoger at Somerlond, Henry 
Mounfort, William (le) the Cooper, and others. (Edward I.) 

(17) Wateley is Wet-leah, the property on which the present Wately Hall is 
situated. It formerly belonged to the Sadler family. 



59 

A.D. 1280. I, William, (fil) son of Henry Hnggen, have given to 
William (de) of Scharpmor, junior, a messuage, with a courtyard, in 
Brochurst, lying in length from the land of William (de) of Brochurst 
to the courtyard of Thomas, (iil) son of Hugh, in width between the 
land of the said William (de) of Brochurst on one side, and the highway 
which leads from Scharpmor towards the mill of Bromwich on the 
other. In testimony, &c, William (de) of Scharpmor, junior, William 
(de la) of the Hay, Henry (de la) of the Hay, William (de) of Broc- 
hurst, Thomas, (fil) son of Hugh, and others. (Edward I.) 

A.D. 1282. To all the faithful in Christ to whom the present 
writing shall come. Margery, daughter of Soger (le) the Milward of 
Bromwich, greeting in the Lord, know that I have delivered and 
demised to Adam, (fil) son of Felix Aldyche, the moiety of my court- 
yard, which the said Adam held. In testimony, &c, Eoger (de) of 
Somerlond, Henry (de) of Scharpmor, William (de) of Brochurst, Henry, 
(fil) son of Richard (de) of Brochurst, William (de la) of the Hay, 
and others. Dated at Bromwich, Sunday after feast of S. John, 10, 
Edward I. 

(19) Eobert the Milward is Robert the Miller. Aldyche is a very old name, as it 
occurs with Christian name also. It is, evidently, from Aldridge, old ric, old dominion, 
or old-wic, old station, or dwelling. 

A.D. 1289. I, Eanulf, (fil) son of Walter (de) of Barr, have 
released to Roger (de) of Somerlond in Wodybromwic all right in a 
messuage and arable and meadow land in the Vill of Woodibromwic 
and Erdington, namely, that messuage which Henry, father of the said 
Roger, bought from William (de) of Barr and Christiana his wife, my 
mother. In testimony, &c, Peter Marmion of Crud worth (Curd worth), 
Henry (de) of the Castle in Woodybromwic, Henry (de) of Brochurst 
of the same, Ranulf (de) of Somerland, Hugh (de) of the Hay, and 



60 

many others. Dated at Burmingham, Thursday next after feast of 
St. Augustin of the English, 17. Edward I. 

(20) Peter Marmion here mentioned was of the family of that name formerly of 
Tamworth Castle, and he resided, no doubt, in the double moated residence called 
Pedimore Hall. The family is also mentioned in Eyton's Salop, and one of them as 
constable of Norwich Castle is alluded to in Blomfield's and Parkin's History of that 
county; but, for the reasons mentioned in note 10, I must postpone the further considera- 
tion of them. As mentioned in my preliminary essay, Barr was simply so called from 
the first in all old charters, without the subsequent divisions of Great Barr and Perry 
Barr. Wodebromwic simply means the least cultivated part of the hamlet at the date 
of the charter. It should be noted that even at this early date, A.D. 1289, there is 
only one vowel change in the spelling of Birmingham. Crudeworth (now Curdwortb) is 
from Crida, the first king of Mercia. It should be noted that this charter is dated on 
the (market day) Thursday. 

A.D. 1296. I, Thomas, (fil) son of Eodger (de) of Broclmrst, 
have given to Boger (de) of Somerlond and Alice, his wife, for sixpence 
of silver, one halfpenny of annual rent, in Broclmrst, to receive by 
the hands of John, son of Hugh of the Hay, from two selions, which 
he held from me in Middelfeld, extending themselves to my garden. 
In testimony, Banulf (de) of Somerlond, Henry (de) of Scharpmor, 
William, (fil) son of Hugh (de la) of the Hay, Henry (de) of Broclmrst, 
Thomas (de) of the Castle, clerk, and others. Dated at Broclmrst, 
Monday in Holy Trinity, 24, Edward I. 

(21) The appearance here of this Thomas of the Castle — "Thorn: de Castello, 
clerc ; " — confirms what I stated as to Thomas of the Castle in charter of 1251. This 
Thomas, clerk, would be the priest or scribe who wrote the charter ; hence tbe humility 
shown in placing his own name last in the list of witnesses. These charters are mostly 
title deeds to property bought by the Chattocks, which is the cause of their being the 
possessors of, and retaining, them. 

A.D. 1301. To all the faithful, &c, Edith, formerly wife of 
William (de) of Berwood, has remitted to Alice, daughter of Adam 
(de) of Stichford, all right in messuage, land, and tenements, which 



61 

the said William, formerly my husband, gave to him in Woodybromwig. 
In testimony, Henry (de) of the Castle, Anselm (de) of Bromwig, 
Thomas Aunsel, Thomas, (fil) son of Richard of Wately, Adam Lovetot, 
and others. Dated at Wodibromwig, Wednesday, on Feast of St. Paul, 
29, Edward I. 

(21) Although this Henry of the Castle is placed before Anslem de Brouiwich in 
the attestation clause (and the latter, according to Dugdale, was somewhat of a great 
gun), neither of them owned the castle. Thomas Annsel is now our Ansel, and, I 
believe, a Jewish name ; hence the Christian and surname so early. 

A.D. 1301. I, William (de) of Berwood, have given to Alice, 
daughter of Adam (le) the Smith (de) of Stichford, all that messuage, 
with all the lands and tenements, which I had and held from Henry 
(de) of the Castle of Wodybromwic, and all the land which I held 
from Anslem (de) of Bromwig at Timberweissiche. And the said Alice 
and her heirs, or assigns, shall sustain annually from the said tenement 
a wax light and torch burning before the altar of the blessed Mary 
in the chapel of Wodybromwig all the time of the year when other 
wax lights and torches are lighted in the said chapel. Witness, Henry 
(de) of the Castle, Ralph (de) of Sheldon, clerk, Adam Lovetot, Thomas 
Lovetot, Thomas Aunsel, Henry Munford, and others. Dated at Wodi- 
bromwig, Wednesday after Feast of Circumcision, 29, Edward I. 

(22) The charge upon the property in this charter " to sustain a wax light, &c, 
together with the fact of the charter coming into the possession of the Chattock family, 
is proof (as will appear subsequently) that the chapel, a donative, then belonged to 
them. There is a tautological syllable in this word Timberweissiche. A Timberswige 
meadow, and a house and land called Timberly, now appear upon the parish plan. The 
name Lovetot is Jewish. 

A.D. 1309. To all the faithful, &c, John (de la) in the Hay has 
remitted to Geoffrey, (Ml) son of Hugh (de la) of the Hay, in a place 
of land in the village of Wodibromwyche, between my land and that 



62 

of Richard (tie) of Brochurst in width, in length from land of Henry 
(de) of Bromwyche, called Cappecroft (?), to king's highway, which 
leads towards the mill of Bromwyche. In testimony, &c, Dat. Brom- 
wyche, Tuesday in Feast of St. John, 2, Edward II. Wit: William (de) 
of Bromwyche, clerk, Henry (de) of Somerlond, Henry (de) of Brochurst, 
William (de) of Scharpmor, Thomas (de la) of the Hay, Richard, clerk, 
and others. 

(23) The Cappecroft here mentioned would be Calvescroft of a subsequent charter. 
There is a neat little piece of etiquette, apparent humility, and cleric pride, observable 
in this short charter. It will be seen that the first and last witnesses in the attestation 
clause are priests. The latter would act as scribe, and he has rightly enough inserted 
his own name last, but, to preserve the dignity of the cloth, his brother William, the 
other cleric, is given precedence over all the laics. 

A.D. 1312. I, Thomas, (fil) son of Roger of Brochurst, have given 
to William (de) of Brochurst, for a certain sum, a place of land in 
Brochurst, in length from the land of Henry, (fil) son of Hugh, to 
the land of Richard, (fil) son of Ranulf, in width between the land 
which William the Mere held and the highway which leads from 
Brochurst towards the mill of Bromwyg. In testimony, Roger (de) of 
Somerlond, Henry (de) of Scharpmor, Hugh (de la) of the Hay, Richard, 
(fil) son of Hugh, Henry (de) of Somerlond, and others. Dated at 
Browyc, Thursday, Feast of S. Mark, 5, Edward II. 

A.D. 1321. I, John, (fil) son of Richard (de) of Bromwych, have 
given to William (le) the Cooper of the same village, seven selions of 
land, with headlands adjacent, in Bromwych, lying in a field called 
(le) the Parrock (Park), in width between land of the said William and 
land of Hugh (de la) at the Hay, and in length between the way 
which William (de) of Bromwych, clerk, had from my gift. In testi- 
mony, Geoffrey Braton, Geoffrey (le) the Smith, Richard Bryd, Henry 



63 

Lovetot, Ealph (de) of Bokenholt, and others. Dat. Bromwyche, Wed- 
nesday after St. Barnibas, 14, Edward II. 

(24) The Parrock (Park) here mentioned is that portion of the Park Hall estate 
which had then just been taken out of the Hay, or given up for cultivation (see post). 

A.D. 1325. I, William, (fil) son and heir of Henry of Scharpmor, 
have given to William, my younger brother, a selion of land in 
Brochurst-feld, and extends from the royal road which leads from the 
house of Eoger at the Somerland to the house of William of (de) 
Brochurst to the land of the said William, senior. Witnesses, Anselm 
(de) of Bromwych, Thomas (de) of the Castel, Eoger at the Somerland, 
Henry at the Somerland, John, (fil) son of Adam, and others. Dat. at 
Bromwych, Sunday after S. Gregory, P. 18, Edward II. 

(25) The Anslem of this charter was not of the castle, or it would be so stated ; 
and as Thomas, who was of the castle, is placed after Anselm by the scribe, it shows 
that he was but a domestic of some sort. 

A.D. 1329. I, Geoffrey (de) of Wolvenhale, have given to Adam, 
(fil) son of Hugh (de la) of the Hay, all my messuage, with a court- 
yard and garden, and with all my houses, saving to me and my heirs 
my workshop and one place of my courtyard, as defined by certain 
marks and boundaries. I have also given to the same Adam a place 
of land lying at the Hethestnol, which I had from the gift and feoff- 
ment of Thomas Smallberd, as it is enclosed by ditches and hedges, 
and two selions of land lying in the Homfeld, between the land of Henry 
Mountfort and the land of Thomas of Ketene, and two selions of land 
lying in Bokenholdefeld, between the land of Henry Mountfort and the 
land of William Colet, and two selions of land lying in the same field, 
between the land of Thomas (de) of Ketene and the land of John 
Chattok, and eight selions of land in the Lee, in the Fee, of Yerdeley, 
lying in a certain field called Eadmynghulle, between the land of 
John (de la) of the Lee and the land of Eichard, (fil) son of Eanulf 



64 

(de la) of the Lee, and all my chattels, moveable and immoveable. 
Witnesses, Richard, (HI) son of Henry, William (le) the Cooper, John 
Chattok, Adam (de) of Bokenholt, Ralph (le) the Clianon (Canon), and 
others. Dat: Bromwych, Monday after St. John Baptist, 2, Edward III. 

(26) The etymology of Hethestnol is Heath Knoll=a woody grove on the heath. 
This Thomas Smallbeard is the first fanciful name that occurs in the charters (a period 
of one hundred and fifty-eight years), and shows, as I have previously stated, how averse 
the ancients were to names of the kind. The place indicated in the name of " Thomas 
de Ketene " is from Cath=battle, and en = a district; and probably has reference to a 
battle-field I shall describe presently. Lee is leah = a meadow, of Yardley, in which 
parish there is still a Lea Hall. Yardley is from Gird-ley, and means the meadow 
girding Warwickshire. It is so spelt in one of Kemble's charters. The " h " in the 
name of le C(h)auon = Canon of Sheldon is a remnant of Norman-French. 

A.D. 1331. I, Richard, (fil) son of Thomas (de la) of the Scherd, 
clerk, of Castel Bromwych, have given to John Chattok, of Bokenholt, 
in Bromwich, and Letitia his wife, a place of land which is called the 
Newelond, lying in width between the land of Thomas (atte) at the 
Scherd, carpenter, and the land of Thomas Mallesone, and in length 
extending from the field which is called Dunstal to the road which 
goes towards the Stnngesmulne, by certain marks and boundaries there 
made. Witnesses, Annselm (de) of Bromwych, Thomas (de) of the Castle 
of the same, William (le) the Cooper, Geoffrey (le) the Smith of Boken- 
holt, John Bratoun of the same, and others. Dat. Bromwych, Sunday 
after Feast of Mathew, 4, Edward III. 

(27) "Mallesone" I take it, is son of the Miller. A field called Dunstal is still 
in this locality ; and near it there is one called Stingemore, which is not dissimilar to 
Stingesmulne. 

A.D. 1333. I, William, son of William (de) of Brokhurst, have 
given to Richard, (til) son of Thomas at the Sherd, clerk, all my 
messuage, with courtyard and garden, in Brokhurst, and two selions of 
land in Overhayfeld, seven selions in Heiefeld, all between the lands 



65 

of their neighbours, also a Grove at Holebrok, between my land and 
land of Nicholas of Whitegrove, and the third part of the tenement 
which Margery, my mother, has in dower. Witness, Annslem (de) of 
Bromwych, Thomas (de) of the Castle, William (de la) in the Hay, 
Eoger at the Somerlond, William (de) of Sharpmor, and others. Dat. 
Bromwych, Wednesday ante Purf" Virjin. (6, Edward III.) 

(27a) Hayfield of a previous charter is here altered to Heiefield, and we shall 
presently see it corrupted to Highfield, the present name on the parish plan. The 
Brockhurst = Badger Wood, of this and the following and other charters, was formerly a 
little district, and had several habitations. It is now reduced to " Brocksfield " and 
<l Little Brocksfield " of the parish plan. Four years ago they were for the first time 
subjected to a deep subsoil ploughing by steam power, and a disused, filled up well was 
found, and is still there. 

A.D. 1333. I, Richard, (fil) son oi Henry at Somerlond (de) of 
Brokhurst, have given to Richard, (fil) son of William (de) of Brokhurst, 
a messuage, courtyard, and three selions of land, in Brochurst, in 
Bromwych, between land of Richard at the Sherd and land of Thomas 
Huggen, in width between royal road and land of Richard at the Sherd, 
and the selions between land formerly of William Gibben and land of 
Geoffrey Huggen, and between lands of Williams, junior and senior, of 
Sharpmor. Witnesses, Ancelm (de) of Bromwych, Roger at the Somer- 
lond, William, his son, Henry at the Hay, William (de) of Sharpmor, 
Richard at the Sherd, John (le) the Webbe (weaver), and others. 

Dat. Brokhurst, Sunday ante S.S. Fabian and Sabas"- (6, Edward III.) 
(28) This family of Gibbon is a very old one. The late Dr. Margoliouth, who 
was a good Hebrew scholar, tells me that it is a Jewish name (see post). 

A.D. 1333. I, William Colemon, junior, of Bromwych, have given 
to William, (fil) son of Peter (le) the Dale, for a certain sum, two 
pieces of land in Horstounfeld, in length from land of William of 
Scharpmor and a road called Greneweye and between lands of Roger 

F 



66 

Belamy and William of Scharpmor. Witnesses, William (de) of Brochurst, 

Richard, his brother, Geoffrey, (hi) son of Hugh, Thomas Belamy, and 
others. Dat. Bromwych, Sunday in Feast of S. Peter (? cathedra, or 
chadedne). 6, Edward III. 

(29) Peter the Dale means of the Dale = Tame Valley. " Horestonfeld," now War- 
stoncfield on the parish plan, has a large hoarstone in it as a landmark, and will ho 
fully described in subsequent notes, together with the barrow it evidently came from. 

A.D. 1335. Be it known, &c, I, William, (fil) son of Adam 
Aldych, have released to Geoffrey (de la) in the Hay, and Margery, 
his wife, in messuage and courtyard in Wodybromwich, in length between 
land of John (de) of Barr, miller, and road leading towards mill of 
Bromwych, in width between land of Eoger, (fd) son of William Beleamy, 
and land of said John (de) of Barr. Witnesses, Eoger at the Somerlond, 
William (de la) in the Hay, William (de) of Bromwych, clerk, Eichard 
(de) of the Somerlond, William (de) of Scharpmor, and others. Dat. 
Bromwych, Sunday next p. f. of S.S. Fabian and Sab" - (8, Edward III.) 

A.D. 1337. I, Eichard, (fil) son of Thomas at the Schert of 
Wodybromwych, have given to William (de) of Scharpmor, junior, a 
place of land in Bromwycli, in length between land of said William 
and land of Eichard (de) of Brochurst, in width between Hayfeld and 
road leading from Brochurst to mill of Bromwych. Witnesses, William 
(de la) in the Hay, Henry (de la) in the Poles, Henry (de la-) in the 
Hay, Hugh (de) of Scharpmor, Eoger Beleamy, and others. Dat at 
Wodybromwych, Sunday p. f. S. James (10, Edward III.) 

(30) It is curious to note that this, the subsequent charter, and many others, 
were dated on Sundays, which was customary then, or on market days, feasts, and 
fairs, as the people then were assembled together. The charter of A.D. 1289, dated 
at Birmingham, was on Thursday, which was then, as now, the market day there. 
This Schert is Shard, a break, or gap, or opening, in a wood. This at Wody-bromych 
is lost now. The one at Shard End is still so called on parish plan. 



67 

A.I). 1337. I, Roger Belamy of Wodybromwych have given to 
William (de la) of the Yale of the same, and Edith, his wife, two 
selions of land in Bromwych in Horstonefelt, between land of William 
(de) of Sharpmor and lane leading from Brochursthill to my house in 
length, in width between mine and messuage formerly of Adam (de) 
of Yale. Witnesses, William (de) of Sharpmor, Henry (de la) in the 
Hay, Thomas Belamy, Henry (de la) in the Poles, and others. Dat. 
Wodybromwych, Sunday p. f. S. Michael. 10, Edward III. 

A.D. 1338. I, John, (fil) son of Adam (de) of Wod)d>romwych, 
have given to William Colemon, junior, of the same, and Juliana, his 
wife, a selion of land in Bokenholtfeld, between my land and land 
formerly William Braton's in length, in breadth between land of Richard, 
(fil) son of Henry, and land of Henry Mountfort. Witnesses, John at 
the Cliff, Henry Briton, Richard, (fil) son of Henry, William Abel], 
Andrew Bate, and others. Dat. at Wodybromwych, Thursday p. f. 
Conception. 11, Edward III. 

(31) The names Briton, Abell, and Bate, of this charter are Hebrew. 

A.D. 1338. I, William, (fil) son of Henry, (fil) son of Hugh (de 
la) in the Hay of Wodybromwych, have given, &c, to Geoffrey (de la) 
in the Hay, a selion of land in Wodybromwych in Myddelhayfeld, in 
length between courtyard of Roger Beleamy and land of John at the 
Welle, in width between lands of said Geffrey and Roger. In testimony, 
&c, William (de la) in the Hay, Henry (de la) in the Hay, Roger 
Beleamy, Henry (de la) in the Poles, Henry Godwyn, and others. 
Dat. Wodybromwych, Wednesday in f. of S. Barnibas. 11, Edward III. 

(32) This (Henry) Godwyn is an old Anglo-Saxon name, and consequently appears 
with Christian as well as surname. It is a remarkable fact, and strangely con- 
firmatory of the opinion of Camden, that, as a rule, surnames never occur until 
tern. Edward IV. (see his Remains, p. 121). The only exceptions are a few eminent 
Angle-Saxons, such as Godwin, Baldwin, &c. ; a few Anglo-Normans, such as Devereux. 



68 

Montfort and Percey I hold to be English. And a few Anglo Hebrew Christians, who 
resided in this country before and after the expulsion of ^ the Jews in A.D. 1290. 

A.D. 1341. I, Richard, (fil) son of Henry Lovetot of Wody- 
bronrwych, have given to Henry, (fil) son of Walter (le) the Milward 
of the same, four selions of land in Bromwych, in field called Hurst, 
between land of William (de) of Bromwych and meadow called Hurst- 
meadow in length, in width between land of Thomas, son of Matylda 
at the Scherd. Witnesses, Adam at the Scherd, Thomas Mountfort, 
Andrew Bate, John CJiattock, William Abel, and others. Dat. apud 
Wodybromwych die Sab in festo anno be Marie. 14th Edward III. 

(33) The Hurst (wood) and Hurstmeadow here mentioned are still on parish 
plan, and will be explained presently. 

A.D. 1342. I, Anselm (de) of Bromwych, have given, &c, to 
Adam (le) the Smyth of Wolvenhale and Agnes, his wife, and their 
heirs, a messuage in Bokenholt, built between the land of said Adam 
and the road which leads from Bromwych towards Blakeley-ford. 
Witnesses, Eichard, (fil) son of Henry, William (le) the Cooper, Adam 
at the Scherd, William Abel, John Chattock, and others. Dat. at 
Bromwych, Saturday f. S. Michael. (15, Edward III.) 

(34) Blackley-ford is=black meadow ford, and is one of the fords through the 
Tame, out of Castle Bromwich hamlet into that of Erdington, the river parting these 
hamlets. It was in some meadow of a black, peaty soil. 

A.D. 1342. I, Geoffrey, (fil) son of Hugh (de la) in the Hay (de) 
of Wodybromwych, have given to John (le) the Mourner of the same, 
a place of land in Bromwych, between the road which leads towards 
mill of Bromwych and the road which leads towards the Broadford in 
length, in width between land late of Roger at the Somerlond and 
land of Adam Huwen. Witnesses, William at the Somerlond, William 
(de la) in the Hay, Adam at the Scherd, William (de) of Scharpmor, 



69 

Henry (de la) in the Hay, and others. Dat. Wodybromwych, Sunday 
ante f. S. Gregory, Pa. 15, Edward III. 

(35) " John 8 - le Mourner " of this charter would be one with a lost sou or 
relative (or such supposed to be) iu a Scotch or French war. 

A.D. 1342. I, Geoffrey, (ill) son of Hugh (de la) in the Hay (de) 
of Wody-Broinwych, have given to John (de) of Barr, miller, a place 
of land, with courtyard and house, in Wodybromwych, between messuage 
of Eoger Belamy and courtyard of said John, and between road leading 
to mill of Bromwych and Hayfeld, in exchange for a place of land in 
Calvescroft, between said road and a lane leading towards Broadford, 
and between land of Adam Hewen and land which was Holers at the 
Somerlond. Witnesses, Adam at the Sherd, William (de la) in the 
Hay, Eoger Belamy, Henry (de la) in the Hay, Thomas Belamy, and 
others. Dat. Wodybromwych, Wednesday, f. S. Mark. 15, Edward III. 

A.D. 1344. I, John of Barr, miller, have given, &c, to Isabella 
Nithegale a house, with yard, in Bromwych, between land of said 
John and of Eoger Belamy, and between field called Hayfeld and road 
leading to mill of Bromwych. Witness : Eichard, son of Henry, Wm. 
Abell, Eoger Belamy, Wm. in Hay, Wm. de Sharprnor, and others. 
Sunday a. f. S. Mch s - Ep. 17, Edward III. Dat. at Bromwych. 

(35a) It must be here noted that Wm. Geoffrey, Hugh and Henry of the Hay, 
were none of them owners of, but simply occupiers or small owners of such parts 
of the Hay then cultivated. Also, that Barr here is in no case called Perry Bar, 
as it now is. 

A.D. 1345. I, John at the Welle in Wodybromwych, have given 
to William of Vale and Edythe, his wife, of the same, a selion of 
land in Bromwych in Horstonefelt, between the lands of William of 
Sharpmor and Henry Godwyn. Witnesses, William (de) of Sharpmor, 
Henry (de la) in the Hay, Eoger Belamy, Henry (de la) in the Poles, 



TO 

Henry Godwyn, and others. Dat. Bromwych, Sunday p. f. C. S. Paul, 
18, Edward III. 

A.D. 1347. I, Adam at the Birches of Smethwicke, have given to 
William of the Vale of Bromwych and Edith, his wife, a selion of 
land in Horstonefield, between lands of Geoffrey Huggen and William 
Dytemay, and of Richard Somerlond and road leading towards Brock- 
hurst Hill. Witnesses, Henry (de la) in the Hay, Henry (de la) in the 
Poles, Geoffrey Huggen, William Sharpmor, William (de la) in the Hay, 
and others. Dat. Bromwych, Sunday p. f. S. Augustine, 20, Edward 
III. 

A.D. 1348. I, William, son of Adam (le) the Wolf of Bromwych, 
have given to Henry (le) the Wolf, my brother, for a sum of money, 
a place of meadow in Bromwych, in length from water course of 
Tame and the Ox-Marsh, and between land of Thomas (de) of Alfero 
and the elm tree near said water course. Witnesses, Eichard, (iil) son 
of Henry, William Abel, Thomas le Chadre, Anclem, (fil) son of Thomas 
Aunsel, John at the Welle, and others. Dat. Bromwych, S. p. f. S. 
Mathias, 21, Edward III. 

(36) Wolf is a thorough Jewish name, and has heen for some considerable period. 
I wish these Anglo-Hebrew names to be kept in mind, as I believe it will be 
satisfactorily proved in subsequent notes that a colony, as it were, of Anglo-Hebrew 
Christians existed hereabouts at an early period. 

A.D. 1341). I, Adam (de) of Scharpmor of Erdington, have given 
to John (de la) in the Holms (de) of Bromwych and John, his son, 
an acre of land in Bromwych, between lands of John (of) Altre-de-mor 
and Joh. Mel : and lands of Margaret Blounc and Eooer Belaniv. 
Witnesses, William Scharpmor, Eichard Somerlond, John Altre-de-mor, 
Hugh Quqn= Woodman, William Croft, and others. Dat. Bromwych, 
S. p. f. S. James, 22, Edward III. 



71 

(37) There is a (Chilling)holm and other fields with this element (holm = low 
lying, nearly submerged land) in the spelling still on the parish plan. " Joh. Mel" 
would be the miller. 

A.D. 1349. Indenture between Adam in the Birches of Sniithwick, 
John of Barr, miller, and Roger Belamy, as Adam has enfoffed to 
John of Barr and Bichard (de) of Hancushert, a tenement in Castel 
Bromwych, and afterwards Richard (de) of Hancushert enfoffed Roger 
Belamy his estate in same. John and Roger desire to grant, if Adam 
shall pay to John and Roger seven marks in chapel of Caste! bromwych, 
on feast of S. Michael next, that the charter of eiifoflhient which 
John and Richard have shall be void. Dat. Bromwych, IS. p. f. 
S. Michael, 22, Edward III. 

A.D. 1349. I, William Coleman, Jnr., of Castelbromwych, have 
given to John Chattok, Junr., of the same, a place of land in Boken- 
holdefeld, between lands of Juliana Braton (Briton) and Adam the 
Smith, and of Henry (de la) in the Hay. Witnesses, Richard, son of 
Henry, William Cooper, John Chattok, Senr., William (de la) in the 
Hay, Henry Godwyne, and others. Hat. Bromwych, M., eve S. John, 
B. 22, Edward III. 

A.D. 1349. To all faithful, &c, John Chattok, of Bromwych, 
have demised to William Colemon, of the same, and Juliana, his wife, 
for life, two selions of land in Bromwych, one in Old-Croft, between 
land of William Aleyn, called Brites-croft, and a held called Rudyng, 
and between lands of Rond s : Bathe (Bate), the other in Bokenholdfeld, 
in length from court-yard of Henry, son of John Bratun (Briton), and 
extends to the land of the Castle in length, between lands of Richard, 
son of Henry, and Henry Munford, which I had of said William. 
Witnesses, Richard, (til) son of Hemy, William Cooper, Henry Wolf, 
Henry Mornford, John Adecok, and others. Dat. Bromwych, Tuesday 
f. S. Hilry, 22, Edward III. 



72 

A.D. 1350. I, Thomas Chattok, of Bromwych, &c, have given, 
&c, to Alice, daughter of Henry (de la) in the Pole of the same, 
those places of land and meadow which I had of Geoffrey (Chattok), 
my brother. Witnesses, William Cooper, William Abel, John Chattok, 
William (de la) in the Pole, Adam (le) the Smyth, and others. Dat. 
Bromwych, Friday, p. f. S. Dunstan, Ep 23, Edward III. 

A.D. 1350. I, Margery, daughter of William (de) of Scharpmor, 
Jnr., of Brochurst, have given, &c, to Eichard (de) of Brochurst, a 
messuage and yard and croft in Brochurst, between house of said 
Eichard and house formerly of John Huggen, of Stichford, and between 
highway leading to Bromwych Mill and land of William (le) the 
Bowyer, and four selions of land in Crowenhall, between lands of Henry 
(de) of iScharpmor and Adam, formerly at the Birches, and two in 
Bromwychfeld, between lands of Eichard (de) of Hawkesherd and land 
of said Henry. Witnesses, William (de) of Brochurst, Henry (de la) 
in the Poles, Eichard Bryd, William of the Vale, John (de la) in the 
Hay, and others. Dat. Brochurst, T. p. f. S. Patronilla v. 23, 
Edward HI. 

(38) " William le Bowyer " would be the bow maker, or an eminent archer ; 
Crownhall means crown of the hill, or it is the origin of the name of a field now 
called Crannells. Hawkesherd must be an error for Hawkshurst. 

A.D. 1351. We, Alice and Margery, daughters of William (de) 
of Sharpmor, Snr., have given to Eichard (de) of Brochurst, that house 
and lands which he had of Margery, daughter and heir of William 
of Sharpmor, Jnr., in Brochurst, in Bromwych. Witnesses, Eichard 
(de) of Sheldon, Thomas of (King's) Norton, Adam (de) of Broadwell, 
Henry (de la) in the Pole, Eichard (de la) in the Hay, and others. 
Dat Brochurst, T. p. f. S. Edith, v. 24, Edward III. 

A.D. 1353. I, William (de) of Broadwell, of Little Bromwich, 
have given to Thomas Chattok, of Castelbromwych, and Alice (Chattok), 



73 

his wife, daughter of Henry (de la) Pole, and John Chattok, their 
son, all those lands and tenements which I had of Mabel the Mourner, 
formerly wife of John at the War. Witnesses, Henry (le) the Cooper, 
Eichard Abel, Henry Monford, Adam (le) the Smyth, Henry (de la) 
Pole, and others. Dat. Castelbromwych, Su. p. f. S. Martin, 26, 
Edward III. 

(39) The mention here of Adam de Bradwell in charter of 1351, and " Wm. 
de Bradwell " of Pava (Little) Bromwich, in that of 1353, confirms my conjecture 
in previous note that the Broadwell was in Little Bromwich. And " Mabel the 
Mourner, formerly wife of John atte War," the other note as to " le-mourner," being 
some one sorrowing for a lost relative in the Wars. 

A.D. 1353. I, Henry (de la) in the Hay of Co ventre (girdler), 
have received from Eichard of Brochurst of Aston 10/-, in which he 
was bound to my brother, Eichard (de la) in the Hay, for three selions 
of land. Witnesses, Eichard of the Hill of Yardley, John Fraunceys 
of the same, William (le) the Smyth of Stichford, Henry (de la) in the 
Pole of Aston, Henry the Cooper of the same, and others. Hat. 
Coventre, T. f. S. Clement, Pa. 26, Edward III. 

A.D. 1354. I, Alice, daughter of Henry (de la) in the Pole of 
Bromwych, have given, &c, to William, son of John Adecoks, a place 
of meadow called Lyttelholm, between meadow formerly of Thomas at 
the Castle and the water called Tame, and five selions of land — four 
in Horestonefield, between lands of Henry (le) the Cooper, late Eoger 
Belamy's, Eichard (le) the Cooper, and William Brid. Witnesses, Henry 
Cooper, Henry Monford, Thomas le Smyth, William Chedere, Henry 
Wattsone, and others. Dat. Bromwych, S. p. f. S. Barnibas, 27, 
Edward IH. 

(40) This charter of 1353 proves that there was a Hay near Coventry, and a 
girdle or belt maker in that city. The name Frauncys is also Jewish. 



74 

A.D. 135G. Let all the faithful, &c. Elizabet, who was wife of 
Hen : (de) of Bromwych, have released to Thomas Chattok a pasture 
and wood called Brorahull, lying at Brockhurst, and nine selions of land 
in Lutelbokenholdefeld. So that, &c. In testimony, &c., Henry Watte- 
sone, William Chattok, Geoffrey (le) the Webbe (the Weaver), and 
others. Dat. Bromwych, S. a. P. B. V. M., 29, Edward III. 

(41) This charter has an endorsement on the back, thus : " Eliz : Hy : Chattok's 
wife her release ; " showing that this Henry Chattock married the widow of Henry 
dc Bromwich. This field, Broomhill, still forms one of the fields of the Hay, as will 
be seen by reference to parish plan. 

A.D. 1357. Thomas, son of Eichard Hondys (Hands), have released 
to Thomas Chattok a place of land in Bromwych, between lands of 
Henry Montfort, Thomas Chattok, Henry (le) the Cooper, and late Eoger 
Belamy. Witnesses, Henry (de la) in the Pole, William Chattok, Eichard 
of Brokhurst, and others. Dat. Bromwych, S. p. f. S. Hilary, 30, 
Edward III. 

(42) This Richard Hondys, or Hands, may have given the place name to Hands- 
worth. He must have been of some mark, having a surname at this early period. 

A.D. 1359. I, Thomas Schattok of Bromwych, have given to 
William Schattok, my son, two selions in the Highfield, between lands 
of Henry (le) the Cooper and William Ottemay To have, &c. In 
testimony, &c. Witnesses, Henry (le) the Cooper, William Schattok, 
Henry (de la) in the Poles, William (de la) of the Vale, Thomas at 
the Somerlond, and others. Dat. Bromwych, Tu. in f. C. of Lord, 32, 
Edward III. 

(43) The spelling Chattok with s in this charter will be touched upon presently, 
when 1 expect to be able to show that the name is from the Hebrew personal proper 
name Shetach, and that the family was one of the small colony of early Anglo-Hebrew 
Christians settled hereabouts. The name never appears without a surname. 



75 

A.D. 1361. I, William Dyteniay of Castelbromwich, have given 
to Thomas Chattok of the same two selions in Horstonefeld, between 
lands of Henry (le) the Cooper, Thomas Chattok, Koger Belamy, and 
Thomas at the Somerlond. Witnesses, Henry (le) the Cooper, Henry 
Braken, Henry Mounfort, William Griffin, John Felchyn, and others. 
Dat. Castelbromwich, W. p. f. S. Ambrose, Ep. 34, Edward III. 

A.D. 1361. I, William in the Holms of Castelbromwich, have given 
to William Chattok of the same a messuage in Castel-Bromwich called 
Holms Place, between messuage formerly of Hugh (de) of Scharpmor 
and Richard (de) of Clodshale in length, and between Holdecroft and 
a lane leading to royal road in width, with lands, &c, and reversion 
of a croft called Pihel, near the land which conducts to the high road 
leading to Bromford brigge, of a croft called Newlont (Newland), near 
high road leading from Aston to Castelbromwich, one selion in Hold- 
croft, between High Eoad and said messuage, one selion in Brockurstfelt. 
Witnesses, Henry Wattesone, Henry (le) the Cooper, Thomas Chattok, 
John Mounfort, William Chedere, and others. Dat. Castelbromwich, 
S. on e, S. Clement P. and M., 34, Edward III. 

(44) The Holmes here mentioned would be the (Obilling)holm — home meadow 
still upon parish plan, as it is near Sharpmoor. This " Eic de Clodshale " was of 
the Saltley Hall family. Bromford brig-ge was a "hand bridge" for foot passengers 
only, at this period similar to the one I have described at Stechford. 

A.D. 1362. I, Richard Brochurst, of Castel-Bromwich, have given, 
&c, to Thomas Chattok, of the same, all my lands and tenements in 
Bromwich. Witnesses, Henry Wattesone, Thomas at the Somerlond, 
William Chattok, Thomas Abell, Henry Mounford, and others. Dat. 
Castlebromwich, Sa. p. f. St. Mathew, 35, Edward III. 

A.D. 136 i. I, Henry, son of Ralph Orm, of Castelbromwich, have 
given to William Griffin, of the same, two fields at the Wode, between 



70 

the royal road leading towards Coleshill and the land of William 
Attemor at Orton (Water Orton), and between the land of John of 
Watele, leading towards Coventre and Coleshill. In testimony, Henry 
Wattesone, Thomas Chattok, William Chattok, John Mountfort, John 
Felchyn, and others Dat. Castlebromwich, S. in Octo. et of B. Mary, 
37, Edward III. 

(45) This Orton is the ancient name of Water Orton = Over tun, the tun or 
homestead over the water so distinguished from some other home on the north side 
of the river — perhaps Pedimore Hall or one at Curdworth. There is a curious proof 
here as to how the system of nomenclature is perpetuated ; close to Water Orton there 
is a very small place called Jack o' Watton (ironically), from some one of that name 
having lived near this watery tun or homestead. 

A.D. 1368. I, William Chattok, of Castelbromwich, have given to 
Eobert Clerdon, of the same, a Messuage in Castelbromwich called 
Holmsplace, with lands, except two selions in Heyfelt, between lands 
of John Franceys and John the Palmer. Witnesses, Thomas Chattok, 
Henry (le) the Cooper, Thomas at the Somerlond, John (le) the 
Palmer, William the Vale, and others. Dat. Castelbromwich, S. p. f. 
S. Clement, P. and M., 41, Edward III. 

A.D. 1369. I, John Frauncys, of Brochurst, in Castelbromwych, 
have given to Adam, William, and John Osbars, sons of Henry Osbars, 
of Yerdeleye, and Alice, his daughter, an annual rent of 40s. 8d. 
from my property in Castelbromwych. Witnesses, John Swift, William 
Watson, William (de) of Shyrleye, Adam Swift, Snr., William Colyns, 
Thomas Abel of Caselbromwych, Thomas Chattok of the same, and 
others. Dat. at Yerdeleye, Th. p. f. S. Martin, 42, Edward IH. 

(45a) The foregoing charter being dated at Yardley, and having a Thomas Chattock 
as a witness, would appear to identify him with the Thomas Chattock of the following 
charter of 1381, as Yardley adjoins Bordesley. 



77 

A.D. 1371. I, John Fraunceys of Bromwyclie, have given to Thomas 
Chattok, and Thomas Abel of the same, all my lands in Bromwych 
and Erdynton, excepting my messuage at Bromwyclie. Witnesses, Ralph 
Richard, William Chattok, Henry the Cooper, William Gryffin, Edmund 
of Tykenhale, chaplain, and others. Dat. Bromwiche, Th. p. f. of Ann : 
B.M.V., 45, Edward III. 

(46) Franncys, Abel, and Kicardus (Kicardo), of this charter are Jewish names. 

A.D. 1372. I, John (le) the Smyth of Whatele, have given to 
Thomas Chattok and John Chattok, his son, and heirs of said John C. 
of Bromwiche, five selions of land in Lyttelbokenholdefelt, between lands 
of said Thomas and Henry (le) the Cooper and Alice Felchyn. Wit- 
nesses, Ralph Richard, Henry the Cooper, William Chattok, Thomas 
Abel, William Griffin, and others. Dat. Bromwiche, Su. a. f. S. Barnibas. 
46, Edward III. 

A.D. 1372. I, William of the Vale of Bromwiche, have demised 
to Thomas Chattok a place of land in Oldecroft, between Longemedewe 
and land of said Thomas, Richard Maggen, and Richard Altredmer. 
Witnesses, Ralph Richard, Henry the Cooper, William Chattok, William 
Griffin, Thomas Abel, and others. Dat. Bromwiche, S. a. f. S. Barnibas, 
46, Edward III. 

A.D. 1372. I, John Chattok, son of Thomas Chattok of Bromwiche, 
have given to Thomas Chattok, my father, all my lands, which were 
formerly of Mabel the Milward. Witnesses, Ralph Richard, Henry (le) the 
Cooper, William Chattok, Thomas Abel, William Griffin, and others. 
Dat. Bromwiche, S. a. f. S. Barnibas, 46, Edward III. 

A.D. 1381. 4th Ric. 2nd, Thomas Chattok, of Bordesley (see 
foundation deed of St. John's Chapel, Deritend, by Toulmin Smith). 

(46) This charter of 1381 belongs to the trustees of St. John's Church, 
Deritend, Birmingham, and is, of course, in their custody, but a translation and 
fac-simile is given in Toulmin Smith's " Memorials of Old Birmingham." 



78 

A D. 1384. Whereas, William Griffin of Castelbromwiche has 

granted to Thomas Chat i ok of the same a toft with appurtenances in 
same, near Oldecroft, for life of said Thomas, and all other lands 
formerly of John, (de la) in the Ilolyes, for ever, according to a 
certain writing, and the said Thomas grants, if said William shall 
pay £5 3s. 4d. in four years, then said feoffment shall be annulled, 
and if not to remain in force. Witnesses, Ralph Richard, Ralph 
Cooper, Thomas Abel, Thomas at the Somerlond, William Chattok. 
Dat. Castelbromwiche, M. on f. S. Clement. 7, Richard II. 

A.D. 1384. I, William Griffin of Castelbromwych have granted 
to Thomas Chattok of the same a tofft of land between Oldecroft and 
lane leading to Richard Altredemer, formerly belonging to Robert 
Burdon and John in the Holyes. Witnesses, Ralph Richard, Ralph 
Cooper, William Chattok. Dat. Castelbromwiche f. S. Clement. 7, 
Richard II. 

A.D. 1384. Counterpart of foregoing charter. 

A.D. 1384. Counterpart. 

A.D. 1385. I, Richard Palmere of Saluteley have given to John 
at the Kang of Little Bromwych four selions of land in Castelbrom- 
wych, in Horstonefield, bounded by lands of Ralph Cooper, late 
William Bryd's, Alic : Mountford, and John Franncys, and also moiety 
of seven selions in Hyefeld, between lands of Thomas Chattok, and 
extending from the Merssh to land of William Chattok. Witnesses, 
Thomas Chattok, William Chattok, Thomas Abel, Ralph Cooper, Thomas 
at the Somerlond. Dat. at Castelbromwych, Su. p. f. finding h. f. 
8, Richard II. 

(47) It will be seen by the last three charters that the families of Cooper 
and Palmer have now assumed surnames. The first was "Le Coup:" a barrel 
maker, and the latter from " Le Palmer, - ' the pilgrim. There are (which is most 



79 

remarkable) still a Cooper's (Hay's or) Croft and a Palmer's Croft (both so named 

from these families), still marked on the parish plan as in the Hay estate of to-day. 

" Atte Kang" of Little Bromwich is inexplicable to me. Atte, of course, means at 
the; but the "Kang" must be a misspelling. 

A.D. 1388. I, William (le) the Cooper of Yerdeleye, have given 

to John atte Kang of Little Bromwych, four selions of land in 

Bromwyche, lying in Brokhurstfeld, between the lands of Bloiintes 

Roger of Broadwell and late William (de) of Broadwell. Witnesses, 

John Warde, John Aleyn, William Nycols, William Holdone, Thomas 

Bygge. Dat. at Little Bromwycli, Su. on f. of 13. v. M. 11, 

Richard II. 

(47a) This Blounts or Blounce-field is still so named on parish plan. John 
Warde was of Little Bromwich, and one of his family changed the name of that 
place to Ward End. 

A.D. 1392. I, Robert Muleward of Castelbromwich, have given to 
Thomas, my son, two selions of land in Hyefeld, on the south part 
over Crowenhale, between lands of Thomas Chattok and William Yale. 
Witnesses, Thomas Chattok, Ralph Cooper, John Chattok, William Vale, 
Thomas Abel. Dat. Castelbromwich, Tu : p. f. S. Mathias, 15, Richard II. 

A.D. 1397. We, John Pakynton and Alice, my wife, have remitted 
to Henry Chattok of Hayende, and his heirs, all right in a close called 
Sharpmore Ruydyng in Brokhurst. Witnesses, Thomas Abel, Richard 
Shattok, Thomas Cooper, John Colynnes, John Otheyn. Dat. Castel- 
bromwych, 10 Feby., 20, Richard II. 

(48) This John Pakynton has Christian and surname, but no doubt took his 
name from the place so called near here, and which was probably the origin of the 
Packington family. Ruydyng, or Ridding, in old documents means land redeemed 
from the waste, and generally low-lying land. 

A.D. 1398. I, Thomas Monnford of Castelbromwiehe, have given 
to John (de) of Pakynton of the same seven selions of land in Heghfelde, 



80 

three of which lie together at the ITorstongate, near the land of 
Thomas Chattok on one part, one selion above the hill, near the land 
of John Chattok, and one acre and one bntta, near the land of Henry 
Chattok and Bichard the Palmer, one selion near the lands of William 
Holden and Roger Tymme, in the Horstonfeld, two selions near land of 
Richard the Palmer, and one selion near land of John Frauncy, one 
selion near lands of Richard Palmer and Thomas Abel, and one near 
lands of Thomas Chattok and John Franncy. Witnesses, Ralph Richard, 
Thomas Chattok, Thomas Abel, John Chattok, Thomas Somerlond. Dat. 
Castelbromwyche, W. on. M. of S. Barnibas, 21, Richard II. 

(49) A " butta " of land as here mentioned means a triangular or irregular 
corner piece, or nook, in ploughing, or any farm work. It would now be called a 
" pike," a projecting or protruding piece of headland, generally in a corner, and often 
left unworked. At " Horstongate," in Hoarstone (now Warstone) Field, or now, rather, 
a part of it, the "Right side Lunts" of the parish plan, the Hoar-stone is still standing 
at the corner of the lane. It is five feet high, but partly buried, and an ancient 
landmark between the Hay and the Hodge (Hotchpot). See post. 

A.D. 1308. I, Thomas Monntfort of Castelbromwyche, have given 
to Henry Chattok of the same, and his heirs, a pasture called Rudying 
in Brokhurst in C : bromwych, so that, &c. Witnesses, Roger Bradwelle, 
Thomas Abel, Thomas Chattok, Henry Paldeyne, Robert Andrews. Dat. 
Castelbromwych, S. p. f. S. Lawrence, 21, Richard II. 

A.D. 1399. I, John of Pakington, have given to William, my 
son, all lands I had of Thomas Monnforde in Castle-Bromw T ych. Wit- 
nesses, Ralph Richards, Adam Brawdrok, Jo : Hancokes, William Atte- 
gate, Henry Paldene. Dat. Castelbromwiche, W. in f. S. Edmund, K 
and M., 22, Richard II. 

(50) The names Paldeyne (Paldene) and Andrews of the two last charters are Jewish. 

A.D. 1402. I, Richard Palmere of Salteley, have given to William 
Bodunhale of Coventre two selions of land in common field called 



81 

Horsetoneiield, extending to Croft called Mersche to land of William 
Cheder, and between lands of Henry Hay and Kichard Chattok. 
Witnesses, John Chattok, Thomas Abel, Bichard Chattok. Dat. Brom- 
wyche, Tim. p. f. Pent*- 3, Henry IV. 

(51) Here the family of Hay drop the "de" and assume Christian and surname — 
Henry Hay. 

A.D. 1403. I, Thomas Cooper of Bromwych, have given to William 
Bygge, chaplain, and John Chattok, junior, and his heirs, all my lands 
and tenements, woods, moors, and rents, in Bromwych, Ernyngton, and 
Yerdeley, except two messuages at Bokenholt and Sherdeende. Witnesses, 
John Chattok, senior, Henry Chattok, and Thomas Abel, junior. Dat. 
Bromwych, S. a. f. S.S. Simon and Jude, 4, Henry IV. (Endorsed 
Eurdington free Deed.) 

(51a) The mention of chaplain in foregoing charter shows that the chapel was 
a donative, and explains the term " Chattock's chancel," hereinafter mentioned. 

A.D. 1404. Bichard Palmere of Saltully to Henry Chattok, I, 
the said Bichard, have given to the said Henry half of a close in 
Castelbromwyche, between Scharpmor Lane and land of John Chattok, 
and between lands of Thomas Chattok and Thomas (le) Cooper. 
Witnesses, John Chattok, John Somerlond, John Frauncey's. Dat. 
Castelbromwyche, S. p. f. S. Michael in year aforsid. 

A.D. 1407. We, William Bygge, chaplain, and John Chattok of 
Castel Bromwych, Lord of the Haye, have granted to Henry Chattok, 
son of Thomas Chattok of same place, a meadow and croft in 
Erdyngton, between the land of the Earl of Warrwick on one part, 
which land is called Muynerowe and the Thame river, and extends 
from John Frauncey's land to boundry called Oldee, (?) Old Bey 
(water), a brook, and which we had of Thomas, son of Balph Cooper. 
Witnesses, Thomas Abel, senior, Bichard Chattok, John Somerlond, John 

G 



82 

Frauncey, William Frauncey. Dat. Castelbromwych, in f. of Com. of 
Soul. 8, Henry IV. 

(52) Here wc see that Somerland is no longer de, or of the— Somerland, but 
John Somerland. The Muynerowe (now Mindrews) meadow is still so called on 
parish plan. 

A.D. 1446. In an endorsement on deed of, 11th of Elizabeth, 
1569, is the following memdum, viz. : " 24th, Henry VI. Sibell Somland, 
ten-in-Dow and heme const : John Somland, son and heir of John 

Somland Martt : deceased, far fidel and cogn. one messuage 

aiK l s ix acres of land in Horstonfeld." (See deed of 1569.) 

A.D. 1401. I, Thomas Erdington, knight, have given to Katherine, 
wife of Henri/ ChattoJc, a messuage, garden, croft, near manor of 
Erdyngton, and another croft opposite, and a parcel of meadow in 
the Ruddyng, late in occupation of John Bekamid. Witnesses, William 
lloldene, William Corffe, Edward Baron, and many o rs - Dat. Tlmrs. 
p. f. all S. S., 1, Edward IV., and A.D. 1461. 

A.D. 1461. I, Thorn. Erdyngton, knight, have given to Hen : 
Chattock, my steward, a meadow, with grove, in Yardington called 
Minwys, bounded by lands of Lord of Pype, the Thame, and water 
called old Eey. Witnesses, William Holden, William Corfe, Edward 
Baron, and many others. Dat. Thu. p. f. all S.S., 1, Edward IV., 
A.D. 1461. 

(53) In this reign Chattock is first spelt with the " ock," instead of, as previously, 
" ok." As these grants to Henry Chattock and his wife bear date the same day, 
they would doubtless be special gifts, or in lieu of money for services of Henry the 
Steward. I have heard that this Henry Chattock was esquire to Sir Tho. Erdington, 
but on what authority it was not stated. He was steward, and when Erdington 
passed from the family to that of the Duke of Clarence, a Sir William Harcourt was 
steward for him, as stated by Dugdale. As these last two charters bear date th 
first year of Edward IV., it is just possible that he (like the family of Devereux 



83 

when King Charles was beheaded) began "to sell out'' to make safe, as he had been 
so intimately associated with Henry VI. He disappears altogether soon after the date 
of these two charters. 

A.I). 1402. We, William Brendwode of Little Bromwich and 
Isabella, my wife, daughter of John Bradwalle, have remitted to Henry 
Chattok, son of Thomas Chattok, all right in those lands, tenements, 
meadows, &c, which formerly Thomas Abel of C. B., Jo : Bradwall 
of C. B., and Thomas at the Halle of Overton (Water Orton), were 
enfeoffed. Thomas Holden, junior, Thomas Eoggers, John Somerlond, 
John Taillour, William Eastelle, &c. Dat. Dec., 2, Edward IV. 

(54) The Halle of Overton (Water Orton) would be the tun, or homestead, in 
Overton, the place name. It was not far from the station, and on or near the site 
of one of Mr. Wakefield's houses, or where Mr. Wood resides. I could trace a moat 
at one of these places forty years ago, but have not visited it since. 

1465, 2 May. Certificate of divorce between Katherine Southey 
and Peter Porter of Mackynulleth, in which Thomas Chattock appears 
as witness. 

A.D. 1479. We, William Bell, gentleman, and William Lee, 
carpenter, of King's Norton, Richard Vale of Castelbromwich, and 
Thomas Somerlond of the same, have demised to Thomas Pastell, 
Henry Chattok and Katherine, his wife, and Thomas Chattok, son of 
the said Henry and Katherine, of C. B., two crofts in C. Bromwich, 
one called Cowper's Croft, between pastures of said Henry, which 
Margaret, his mother, held for her life, which are called the Eyddyngs 
on one part, and a croft of the said Henry, called Whetfeld on the 
other in width, in length from said Henry's, Bromhyll, to meadow 
formerly of William Chattok called Hylmedowe on north. The other 
croft is called Calhircroft (Calvescroft), between croft of said Henry, 
called Great Calvuscroft on east and a pit called Merlepyte on west, 
in length from lane caled Gapelane, (? Capelane) on north, to lane 



84 

called Chirchelane on south, and three selions in C. 13., in Somerloud, 
furlonge in width between land of John Somerlond, and in length from 
said Henry's, Palmer's croft, to land of said John Somerlond in 
Hyefeld, which lands with others we lately had with Fulco Stafford, 
Esq., William Vale, senior, and Jo: Jones, deceased, from gift of 
William liussell of C. B. Witnesses, John Somerlond, Jo : Abell, 
Edmund Vale. Dat. at Castelbromwich, 3 Mar. 18, Edward IV. 

(55) Notwithstanding that more than four hundred years have elapsed since 
the date of this charter, all the fields named in it are still so named upon the 
parish plan, and the Marl pit is still in use. 

A.D. 147'J. William Belle and William Lee, carpenter, of King's 
Norton, and Kichard Vale of Castelbromwyche, and Thomas Somerlond 
of the same, have released to Henry Chattok, son and heir of Thomas 
Chattok of Castelbromwyche, lately deceased, his heirs and assigns, all 
our claim in two crofts in C. B., one called Cowperscroft, between 
pastures of said Henry, which Margaret, mother of said Henry, 
had for life, called Eydding and Whetfeld on east and south, and 
meadow, formerly of William Chattok, called Hylmedowe on north and 
called Little Callurcroft (Calvescroft), and between Great Calvescroft 
and Marlepyte, extending from Gapelane to Chyrchelane, which we had 
with F. Stafford, W. Vale, and J. Jones of William Eussell, so that, &c. 
Dat. C. B., 30 May, 18, Edward IV. 

A.D. 1480. I, Joh : Abell, son and heir of Thomas Abell of 
Castelbromwiche, have demised to Jo : Seman of Coventry, Thomas 
Kastel of the same, and John Eastell do., Henry Chattoke of Castel- 
bromwyche, and Thomas Chatoke of the same, all the lands, &c., 
(except 8, house in which Henry Chatoke, father of said Henry, formerly 
dwelt), which said Henry Chattoke, the father, and which Thomas Abell, 
my father, had with John Bradwall of Lylcllbroniwiche, and Thomas at 



80 



the Hall of (Water )orton, from gift and feoffment of said Henry 

Cliattoke the father, John Bygge of Overton, and Jo : Somerlond, 

senior, of C. B., attorneys. In test :, Simon Vale, John Knight, 

Edmund Vale. Dat. Castelbromwyche, 4 June, 19, Edward IV. 

(5G) This family of Abel first appears more than a century anterior to this 
date. One appears as a magistrate in one of the assessments, and some of the 
family still continue at Marston Green and district, though in reduced circumstances. 
The de in de Bradwell is now dropt. The family of Bradwall is still in the 
neighbourhood. One of this family of Bygge was a chaplain in tern. Henry IV., 
and the name still survives as Biggs in Birmingham, as does also that of Knight. 

A.D. 1509. Be it known to all Christian people that this present 
writing shall hear, see, or read, witnesseth that I, Henry Chattock of 
the Vale of Purbeck, in the county of Dorset, have made my well- 
beloved brother, John Chattock of Castel Bromage, within the county 
of Warrwick, my true and lawful attorney of all my lands within the 
lordship of Castel Bromage, he to levy all rents, with all other property, 
unto me the said Henry Chattock, and the said John Chattock shall 
with my name answer in any cause that belongeth unto me for my 
lands, and I, the foresaid Henry Chattock, shall warrant him and 
defend him by these present writings. In witness whereof I have put 
my seal. 

(57) The family of Henry Chattock of Purbeck, Dorset, brother to John Chattock 
of Castle Bromwich as here stated, is mentioned at length in Hutchin's History of 
Dorset, particularly the last edition by Shipp and Hodson. This Henry married a 
Percy of Shaftsbury, and continued in that county, and I believe that the Shattocks 
of Somersetshire originated from him. 

A.D. 1542. 33, Henry VIII. Alice Chaddock, will proved at 
Lichfield, and mentioned in the index, but lost at the Siege of Lie. 

A.D. 1547. This Indenture made 16th of January in first year of 
Edward VI., between John Knight, Thomas Abell, Badulf Vale, John 



86 

Vale, Thomas Elson, John Ashford, and John Sadler of Castelbromwyche, 
and John Chattock and John Somerland of the same town and county, 
witnesseth that the aforesaid John Knight and others, on behalf of the 
whole of the inhabitants of Castelbromwyche, have demised to the said 
John Chattock and John Somerland the sum of £6 13s. 4d., in trust 
for the said inhabitants, at the annual interest of 13s. 4d. Signed, 
Wayte (who was an Attorney). 
A.D. 1548. Indenture of lease between John Buttler, gent., and 
let her seller of London, and Catherine, his wife, and John Chattock 
of Castle Bromwych, yeoman, lease of lands in Erdington, near common 
meadow called Asholt, one piece of land being called Horsehaye 
Meadow for twenty-one years, at 34s. 4d. per annum, containing 
altogether eighteen acres. Dated 4th October, 2nd, Edward VI. 
^signed) Wayte. Witnesses, John Butler X mark, Thomas Swapson, 
Erdyngton, Thomas Gaytley of Littlebromwyche, Thomas Wayte of Aston. 
A.D. 1550. I, John Chattock of Castlebromwyche, yeoman, for 
the love and affection I bear towards Anna, my beloved wife, and 
for other causes have given to John Ashford and John Somerland of 
C. B.j all my messuages, tenements, and lands in Sutton in Collielde 
and Castel Bromwyche, in co : Warr. and elsewhere, in trust, to the 
use of us the said John and Anna, my wife, for life and to the 
longest liver, then to the use of heirs of our bodies lawfully procreated, 
and in default to the heirs of me, the said John, for ever. Thomas 
Wayte appointed attorney. Dat. Castelbromwyche, 8 August. 3, 
Edward VT. Wayte (endorsed), delivered, signed, and Thomas Wayte 
constituted attorney the day aforesaid. Witnesses, 

Michl. Broke ) Jo. Ashford, junior. 

Thos. Pym j Jo. Somland, junior. 

Win. Ashford, son of John. 
Hugh Yate, and others. 






NT 

(58) The sum of money placed out at interest by deed of 1547 was trust 
money belonging to a charity. The Ashfords of this deed of 1550 and those of 
subsequent dates were all of the Ashford family, after celebrated in the Abraham 
Thornton and Mary Ashford trial. Both these families have long been located about 
Castle Bromwich. 

A.D. 1551. I, John Chatock of Castybromwyche, yoman, with 
consent of William Croxall, my tenant (for a term of years not 
yet completed), have given by this my charter to Nicholas Tumour 
of Litle Sutton, Wark% five selions of land in Steyndley fylde at 
Litle Sutton, containing about two acres of land between lands of 
William Smyth and Kichard Tumour, in exchange for seven selions of 
land in same field, containing about three acres, between the lands cf 
Thomas Yardley, called Pylryddyng, and of John Tumour. In testi- 
mony, Humphrey Sfandley, clerk, Roger Couper, John Cartwright, and 
Nicholas Burton, and others. Dat. 20 Nov. 4, Edward AT. Signed, 
Nicholas Tumour. 

A.D. 1556, 10 Oct. (Philip and Mary) Indenture between William 
Knight of Loxton, Essex, and John Chattock of Castle Bromwich, 
yeoman, lease of Tame Leasowe. (Signed here by " Wayte," I think 
an attorney at Aston.) William Knight (L.S.). AVitnesses, Thomas 
Londe, gentleman, and Thomas AA r ayte and others. 

A.D. 1568. 24 die July Edward films Thome Chattock de Bronr- 
Sepult : (Aston Eegr. of deaths). 

A.D. 1569. 3rd April, 11th Eliz : Copy particulars of all tenement 
and land in three fields at Lvtle Sutton amounting to nineteen acres 
juste, or day's work, which do apertayne and belong to a tenement 
of John Chattock of Castle Bromwich, being his inherytance now in 
the holding of one William Croxall, his tenant, viewed and taken by 
him and AVilliam Johnson, AVilliam Smythe, and Hugh Hargrave, with 
others. 



88 

Steyneley Felde. Seven lands, two lands, two oilier lands, and three 
other lands, all or some bounded by or occupied by the following 
people, viz. : The Yardley Widdow, Edmund Burton, Jo. Duckett, Jo. 
Durid, Jo. Sherrett, -To. Cowpe, Geo: Carlez, and Hum: Bennytt, the 
lasi three lands are in Chadd{h)alle Felde. 

Shaddwall-feelde and Wall feeld, lands bounded and occupied by 
the following, viz. : Jo. Durid of Hyll and J. Durid of Lytle Sutton, 
heir of Nicholas Durid, and one — Yate, Tho : Bull (or Butt), Nic. 
Burton, Jo. Spon, Jo. Palmer. 

(The foregoing is a roll of parchment apparently kept for memo- 
randa, as besides these particulars and the endorsement before given 
of 24th, Henry VI., it has the following endorsement also, viz. : That 
the 2nd February in the first year of King James the First, Eic. 
Knight of Castle Bromwich, being in perfect health and memory, hath 
shown us, whose names are under written, the metes and bounds of 
the Tame Leasowes as it was in his father's time, E. Knight, Jo : 
Knight, W. Denyzon, E. Elson, and Jo. Dave. 

(59) This is a very curious roll or document, and will be considered in the 
chapter on Free Land. 

A.D. 1572, 24th February (Latin). Eelease from Johanna Somer- 
iand, Wo :, to John Chattock, yeoman, both of Castle Bromwich. 
Witnesses, Jo. Ward, W. Mycthell, Jo. Rastell, Eic. Atock, J. Sharp, 
and B. Broke. 

A.D. 1574, (18 June 16th Eliz.). From will of John Chattock 
of Castle Bromwich, yeoman, buried at Aston, his daughters, Johanna 
and Christian Chattock, are mentioned, bequeaths to Christian Ellis, his 
daughter's daughter, one heifer and one ewe, John Somerland one cowe, 
Jo. Payton one ewe, Eo. Holden's children one ewe, Thomas Chattock, 
his son, and Ann, his wife, his houses and lands equally during his 



89 

wife's life, and to Thomas for ever. Witnesses, 11. Benet, Goldingay 
Griffin, Daye and others. (See Lichfield Eegisters of Wills.) 

A.D. 1575 (2 February, 17th Eliz. :) (Latin). Agnes Ann Chattock 
(in three instances in this deed Agnes is used and in one Anna), 
widow, gives all her half share of houses and lands in Castel Bromwich 
and Little Sutton, which she had of John Chattock, her deceased 
husband, for her life, to Thomas Chattock, her son, for a consideration 
of two annual payments. Witnesses, Roger Bennett, Jo. Abell, T. 
Ansope, J. Watton, E. Sturley, Christopher Shirgley, Hugh Liddiatt, 
and others. 

A.D. 1583. 9 die Ffebry., Margere, the dau : of Tho : Chattock 
of Castel Bromwich, was burr d - (Aston Eegisters.) 

A.D. 1589 (26 Mar: 31 Eliz.). Thomas Chattock of Castel 
Bromwich, yeoman, covenants with Hen : Byddle of Yardley, yeoman, 
for the love and affection of Mary, his wife, and John Chattock, their 
son, to settle upon trustees his houses and lands in Castle Bromwich 
and elsewhere to himself for life, and afterwards half to his wife and 
John, their son, and after her decease the whole to John, their son, 
and his heirs. Witnesses, Arden Phipps, Ro. Yardley, Eo. Godarde, 
Jo. Smythe, Ed : Smythe, Rot. Keillinge, Jo : Keillinge. 

A.D. 1589 (27 Mar : 31st Eliz. Latin.) Settlement in trust 
according to foregoing deed from said Thomas Chattock to Lau : 
Phippes, T. Sutton, Ralph : Sedgwick, and J. Parsehouse, all his houses, 
lands, orchards, gardens, " ferr : " Latin (sic.) ? ferriarias ironworks. 
Witnesses as in last deed, seal cross thus : "J" as his seal. 

(GO) This Arden Phipps was perhaps related to the Ardens, " ferr : " a con- 
traction of ferrarias=iron works, I at first took for Bromford Forge, which is so 
near Haye Hall, but I now think it was the smithy at the hall, such generally 
existed then, and were of some consideration at a yoman's residence, who owned 
and occupied several hundred acres of land. 



00 

A.D. 1590. ('20 Dec: 32 Eliz : Latin.) T. Vale and W. Ileeley 
procurators of Castel Bromwich chapel, and co-ffeoffees with J. Abell, 
Thomas Cliattock, T. Watton, T. Walderne, J. Vale, Pic: Knight, 
E. Michell, Chris. Sadler, Elson, E. J. Davenport, and II. Cooper, with 
them grant to G. Devereux, gentleman (son of Ed: Deverenx, Esq:), 
IIii"h Hiffginbottom and W. Harvie, yeomen, a house, orchard, and 
garden at Shard End, in which Hy. Hudson, clerk, resides. In test : 
(all sign and seal). 

(01) This deed has reference to the charity property. 

A.D. 1-391 (20 Feb: 33 Eliz:). Copy will of Jo : Warde of 
Birmingham, yeoman, £8 to poor; to J. Warde of Birmingham, his 
cousin, land and houses in same, and Aston, Littel Bromwich, Great 
Bromwich, and Bordesley, house in Mole Street (now Moor Street), 
beyond the parsonage occupied by Symon Parsons, and piece of land 
in same street ; Ann Mitchell, his daughter, widow, Ann Warde, widow, 
and Mary and Hester, her daughters. Legatees, J. Shilton and W. Colmore 
of Birmingham, and Wm. Knight of Banbury, executors and overseers. 
Proved at Lichfield, 18 May, 1591, W. Woodhall. Made and attested 
in 1590, William Fynney, N. Knight, W. Colmore, T. Selman, Edward 
Smythe, and W. Fynney, junior. Verified by W. Billingsley Strigtown, 
T. Bonell, Jonathan Dutton, E. Smythe, P. Gervase, Henry Cliattock, 
and Edward Worthington. 

A.D. 1594. Memdum, that Hump : Holmes and wife in 11th 
Eliz : assigned to W. Atock property in Bromwich, and Little Brom- 
wich, and Erdmgton, and in 14th Eliz : they assigned to J. Warde 
of Birmingham, moiety of said property and Tame Leasowe in 
Bromwich, occupied by Thomas Cliattock. 

A.D. 1594. (36 Eliz: 20 Jan.) Lease from Robert Arden of 
Park Hall, to F. Vale and Jo:, his wife, and Hen:, their son, house 



1)1 

ill Castel Bromich, crofts called Littel Hayes, Foxholes, Blakecroft, 
Bradley-liurst, pasture called Buttingbarrow, meadow called Littel 
Holmes and Littel Holmes Moor, Myws Yerde, Fish Puoles, sixteen 
acres in common felde called Hurste, three acres in Herne-felde, three 
acres in Bucknold feild, two acres in Alecrofte, one in Lady Croft, 
half an acre in Horstonfeld, half acre in Heyfelde, timber in Butting- 
barrow (reserved) for the term of their lives. Thomas Chattock 
appointed attorney. Sealed in presence of Henry Arden, T. Chattock, 
Chris. Sadler, W. Frew, R. Knight, Ed. Waghte, Ft. Keynes, and 

E. Eeynes. 

(62) The Buttingbarrow of this deed is spelt Bratingharrow in an assessment 
of later date, and to be copied presently. It means Broad-meadow-barrow ; it is 
still so named on parish plan, and is where some barrows are just perceptible, 
and where Roman implements of war have been found. Heme (heron) field is still 
so called. 

A.D. 1595. 20 Aug. Notes from will of John Ward of Birmingham, 
baker, bearing this date. To W. Ward, son and heir, house and lands in 
Little Bromwich and in Castel Bromwich, Somerland's farm and meadow 
adjoining, which I purchased of E. White of Birmingham, tanner, two 
barnes with appurtenances, which I purchased in a certain streete there 
called the Newe Street, which I lately bnilded together with house in 
High Street, wherein mine Aunt Ward dwelleth, also moiety in two 
houses in Castel Bromwich occupied by W. and H. Goldingall, also 
two other houses occupied by Cr. Sadler and Ann Sadler, widow, also 
ground and wood in Smethwicke called Parfette, which I purchased of 
T. Lane of Smethwick, and to Jo. Ward, his son, Homy Allen, 
house and land, and an annuity arising out of the Sarsons ground in 
Birmingham, and a pasture in Bordesley called Stamichuwrst, and 
moiety of house and land in Castle Bromwich in tenure of T. Nichols. 
Alice Ward, his wife, appointed ex'or, and W. Knight of Bandbury, 
J. Shilton, and Bog. Kinge of Birmingham, overseers. 



92 

To J. Ward, his son and his Witnesses, W. Knight, Hum : 
heir, his greate barne and crofte Foxall, Alice Ward, Hum : 

in Xewe Streete. Shrwyne, and X. Symons. 

(63) This " Somerland's Farm," in Castle Bromwich, " which I purchased of 
11. White of Birmingham, tanner," is now the so called "Moat House Farm." The 
" moat " is a large old tan pit, excavated moat fashion, and, no doubt, this II. White, 
tanner, used it as such, and had some buildings upon the little island within the 
moat. There are the remains of some smaller tan pits on the east side and near 
to it. This is the identical castle of Coldwellings or dwelling the late Mr. Hamper 
wrote about. It was an ironical term, the same as Farthing Castle and Cock 
Sparrow Hall of the same hamlet. The island is too small for a moated residence. 
(See deed of 11 May, 1638, in which a Jon" Ward, tanner, is mentioned.) The 
present New Street, Birmingham, being so called in 1505, shows that although, as 
I have said, the town cannot be so old as Hutton and the late Mr. Toulmin Smith 
laboured to prove, it is much older than Cockneydom imagines. " Sarsons ground" 
I have discussed in " Notes and Queries," and I think it means ground whereon 
fine wire sieves were made or the wire woven. 

A.D. 1601. (2 Mar : 43 Eliz : Latin.) Hum : Hopkins of Warde 
End, yeoman, grants to Thomas Chattock of Castel Bromwich, yeoman, 
two acres in Castel Bromwich in common field called Brockesfeild als 
Highe Field, and bounded by lands of E. Kinnesly and Tho : Chattock, 
abutting to T. Chattock's marsh. Witnesses, Edm : Smythe, Ed : 
Crumpton, G. Hardwin, and J. Denison. Counterpart in English. 

(G4) "Common field" here means open, unenclosed tillage land, not grass land 
or common without stint. Some similar open fields I saw a few years ago at 
Upton St. Leonards, near Gloucester. 

A.D. 1601. 31st Oct. An ecclesiastical censure in Latin from one 
Zacerias Babington, Doctor of Laws, Vicar General of Dioc : of Coy : 
and Lie : against Thome Chattock of Castle Bromwich, yeoman. 
Tli is document shows that one of 

the Babington's held an important Edwardus Johnson, Deputat : et. 

office after the conspirator was Simonius Weston, Kejist r, 

beheaded in 1586. 



93 

A.D. 1602. 1st April. Settlement of Eichard, knight, of Castel 
Bromwich, in which he and his wife, Elizabeth, settle upon John, their 
son, on his marriage with Ann Cowper, alias Piddocke, widow, sister 
to T. Jennens. Trustees are said T. Jennens of Birmingham, Smythe, 
John Chattock of Castel Bromwich, yeoman. House and garden in 
Castel B., and three crofts, with a grove, to them, adjoining called 
Bromich Wood, seven selions in field called the Hurst, two selions in 
great Bucknold feld, two selions in Hurste field, four selions in Brock- 
hurstfield, als Heyfield, one close called Millridding, and Kyt Hill croft, 
cottage, and two acres occupied by Simon Goldingay, cottage occupied 
by P. Smalebrook. Witnesses, J. Gopsell, J. Jennens, W. Frythe. 

(G6) The Kyt Hill Croft here mentioned will be fully explained presently, together 
with the tumulus at Castle Bromwich, and a battle field there. The Smalebrook here 
mentioned was of the family of the bishop of that name, and I believe took their 
names from some of the small streams in this district. The family has been located 
in Yardley for many generations, and some of them arc now living in the neighbourhood 
of Birmingham. 

A.D. 1G02. 28 Dec. Indenture between Hum : Hopkins of Ward 
End and Thomas Chattock of Castel Bromrich, yeoman, said Hum ; 
Hopkins grants to said T. C. four selions in (W)horstonfeld, bounded 
by Brockesfeild and Crannels on east, and between lands of Ed d - Devereux, 
T. Elson, and J. Ashford. Witnesses, J. Norman, E. Elson, and T. 
Burrows. Counterpart in Latin. Bond in Latin confirming same. 

(67) We here see an instance of the gradual corruption of place names in this 
(W)horstonfeld ; for a full explanation of which see post. 

A.D. 1604. (30 April, 2, James I.) Indenture of marriage settle- 
ment between Tho s ' Chattock of Castle Bromwich, yeoman, and John 
Chattock, his son and heir apparent, for jointure of Ellen Chattock, 
wife of said John C, settle on H. Sedgewicke of Sutton Coldfield, 
yeoman, Pic. Acock of Yardley, and J. Cutlerill of Sheldon, house in 



'.U 

Little Sutton, occupied by Roger Symonds, with buildings, barns, stables, 
gardens, &c, also all other lands and tenements in Little Sutton afs d - 
and house in Castle Bromwich, in which J. Chattock now dwells, with 
half of Myn-rdws meadowe, to the use of the said John and Ellen 
and their heirs, in default to John's heirs, then to right heirs. Wit- 
nesses, Kic. Acocke, Ily. Seidgwicke, and others. 

(68) 1 believe the " Itic. Acock " of Yardley here mentioned, or one of bis name, 
gave tbe place name of Acocks Green, which is in the parish of Yardley. The "house" 
in Little Sutton is still standing, and is of red sandstone. It was also there in tem 4th 
Edward VI. (See tbe charter of that date). 

A.l). 1606. (29 Sep., 3, James I.) Deed between Thomas Chattock 
of Castle Bromwich, yeo : and Jo. Ashford of Yardley. T. Chattock 
gives one day's work of laud in Two Crossfield, Little Bromwich, for 
one day's work in (W)horstone field in C. Bromwich. 

L.S. J. Ashford. 

Witnesses, W. Hely, T. Hurste, and R. and W. Swifte. 

(69) The Two Crossfield here mentioned is so bounded by roads as to form two 
crosses. 

A.D. 1607. 17 April. Deed by which E. Kynnersley and J. 
Kynnersley, his son and heir, grant to Thomas Chattock of C. Bromwich, 
yeo : and John Chattock, son of the said Thomas, three selions of land 
in Brockesfeild als Highfeild, in breadth between the lands of J. C. on 
both sides, lately enclosed, and extending to Jo. Chattock's marshe, unto 
the head there westwarde, and occupied by said J. C, in exchange 
for three selions of land of said T. C. and J. C, likewise in Brockes- 
feild, between land of E. Devereux and a lane or highway leading 
from Stichford towards Bramforde Bridge, W. Billingsley of Yardley, 
sehoole master, and W. Swyfte of L. Bromwich, attorneys. Witness : 
E. Crumpton, W. Swyfte, W. Billingsley, and G. Bakewell. Possession 



95 

given by attorneys in presence of Jo. Bradshawe, Bo. Wilkinson, and 
G. Bakewell. 

A.D. 1612. June 12 (part in Latin). Bond from E. Hicken of 
Balsall, yeo : to Thomas Chattock of C. Bromwich, yeo: for as Philip 

Hicken, youngest brother of said E. and J. Hicken, has married Agnes 
Chattock, daughter of said T. 0., and he, said T. C, has bestowed 
a marriage portion, and he, P. Hicken, wo' 1, be heir accord'- to 
custom of Balsall Manor, after his mother's, Catherine Hicken's free- 
benche, this is to bind the elder brothers to convey the following 
portion of the property to Agnes Chattock and her children, if Philip 
the yonngest brother, should die before his mother, viz., a pasture 
called Endgewaye, meadow abutting upon Eboral Ende, close called 
Stantwaye, close called Barne Meddowleys, and close called Inclesole in 
Balsall, L.S.S., E. and J. Hicken. Witnesses, Jo : Chattock, Bo. 
Keeling, and Eo. Michell. 

(70) This deed relates to the curious old custom of Balsall, where the 
youngest son becomes heir in case of the intestacy of the father. Home members 
of the family of Hicken are still living between Balsall and Keihlworth, and have 
been located somewhere in the district since the date of this deed. 

A.D. 1612. 1st July. Whereas, Bo: Arden of C. Bromwich and 
Sir H. Arden, km, his son, on 2 Jan : in 4th of James I., leased 
unto Tho : Chattock of C. Brom h -, the Stony Croft adjoining Old 
Croft, &c, for the lives of said T. C, and of his son John, and 
Henry, son of the said John, know ye that the said Thomas C. 
grants his life interest to John, and afterwards to Henry. Wit% Hy. 
JelFeiy, Bo. Michel, and Wm. Billingsley, senior. Ends*- an assign*- 
from T. Chattock to J. Chattock. The words u not to be delivered to 
any man " are endorsed on this deed. 

A.D. 1612. 13 March. Tho: Chattock and Jo: Chattock, lease 
of Newfield to Edward and Ursula Hicken of Balsall. 



96 

A.D. 1012. February. Wm. Ward of Pattingham, Staff., to Jo : 

Chattock of C. B., lease for twenty-one years of Tame Leasowes, 
twelve acres. Ends*', that on 10 Jan : 1616, the said J. C. granted 
the unexpired term to Kob. Keeling of Nether Whitacre. Witnesses, 
J. Ward, E. Michel, II. Cowper, J. Cotterill, W. Pern. 

(70a) This family of Keeling is still represented in the neighbourhood, viz., 
Lea Marston, and the family name occurs in innumerable other charters in my 
possession, and from a very early period. 

A.D. 1615. 20th November. Lease for twenty-one years by Wm. 
Ward afs d - to Jo : Chattock of 0. B , of Somerlands farm, lately 
occupied by J. Somerland, now by F. Hayward, part of same called 
Wayte (or Wayste) land, now occupied by T. Chattock, J. C.'s father. 
Witnesses, Mic. Wight, W. and J. Cotterill. (Same dat), Counterpart. 

A.D. 1616. 1st February. Lease from William and Frs. Ward of 
Pattingham to Jo. Chattock of C. B., of two acres in Horstonfeild, 
John Chattock's land on south and east and Devereux's north and 
west. Witnesses, Jo: Ward, Nic. March, and Jon 11 ' Ward. (Same 
dale) Bond and court warranty as to same. 

A.D. 1616. 1st February. Sale by William Ward afs •, Jo : Ward 
of Birmingham, and Jon 11 - Ward of C. Brorn 1 '-, to Jo. Chattock of 
C. B. 5 of Tame Leasows, in Haye Ende, twelve acres, Devereux's 
land on east, J. C.'s west and south, and Tame north. It was then 
in two iields, also June croft in Erdington, common meadow, called 
Ashole, on south, mid occupied by Bog. Jackson. Witnesses, Jo. 
Cotterill, Eo. Michel, Ed. Worthington, and William Billingsley the 
Writer. Boss 11 - given in presence of Bog. Jackson, Pic. Brandwood, 
Jo. Goldngay, Ed. Hardwyne, Ed. Worthington, W. Cooper, T. Chattock, 
and Henry Chattock. (Same date) Counterpart and court warrt v - as 
to same. 



97 

A.D. 1617. 15 Oct. Lease for ninety-nine years from Jon n - Ward 
and Eliz h> , his wife, of C. B. to Jo. Ohattock of C. B. of a plot of 
land 30 ft. by 5 ft. to enlarge well yard belonging to dwelling of 
said J. C. (? Somerlands farm). Witnesses, Jo. Barweyt, Jo. Ward, 
Wm. Fisher. 

A.D. 1617. 20 Nov. Sale by Jo. Hopkins of Yardley and Hum y - 
Hopkins of Ward End to Tho : Ohattock, two acres in Brockesfield als 
Highfield and two acres in (W)horstonfield. Witnesses, Eic: Weke, 
Tho : Halle, and Wm. Billingsley the Writer. (Same date) Bond con- 
firming same. 

A.D. 1618. 23 Mar. Lease by Tho. Ohattock of 0. B. to his son, 
Jo. Chatfock, of house, in which he dwells, and lands for rent and 
housing, food and diet, for him, T. C, and wife, and servant. Witnesses, 
Phil: Hicken, Eo : Michel, Hy. Ohattock, Tho: Ohattock, jur. T. 
Eobinson. Counterpart (same date) do. do. 

A.D. 1618. 16 April. Sale, by Thos. Ohattock of 0. B. and Jo: 
Ohattock of C. B. to L s - and Jo : Jackson of Sutton, of messuage, 
tenement, or stone house, with barns, buildings, gardens, orchard fold- 
yards, &c, occupied by To: Brookes and Wm. Wright, and nineteen 
acres of land adjoin*-, in the three fields belong*- to Little Sutton (viz: 
Stenley feld, Chad (all) f eld, and Wall feld, as in deeds of Edward VI. 
and Ellz h -) N.B. — This deed is very peculiar, as not only the said 
T. 0. and J. C, but Mary and Ellen, their wives, join; and purchasers 
are protected from all claimants thro' T. C.'s dec d - father, John (who 
was born about 1500), and every possible claimant hereafter, and many 
other covenants are most strict shewing the property to have been of 
very, ancient inheritence. That is, this property was no doubt formerly 
part of the Chattock's Haye, and the old title deeds went with the 
Castle Bromwich property. 

H 



98 

(71) See post as to this deed. This stone messuage and the little estate adjoining, 
then touched upon Little Hay, Shenstone, near Lichfield, where there is now a " Little 
Hay Hall," and the deed ante of A.D. 15G9, wherein it is called "the inheritence " 
of Jo. Chattock of the Hay, Castle Bromwich, and belonging to " his tenement " there, 
links the two Hays together. 

A.D. 1621. 20 Feb. Sale by Jo : Chattock of C. B. to J. Knight 
of C. B. half an acre of land in Brocksfeild als Higlifeild, between 
lands of Jo. Kynnersley and Sir E. Devereux, latter occupied by Eic. 
Weston, and land of Jo. Ashford, in exchange for another lately enclosed 
flat, enclosed by J. C. in said field, between land of J. C. East. 

A.D. 1622. 24 Oct. Sale by Leo d - Holmes of Yardley, son of 
Hum. Holmes, late of Yardley, and Elinor, his wife, dau : and co-heir 
of Wm. Knight, late of London, and cousin and next heir of Sarah 
Blaye, late wife of Eic : Blaye of Serle, Kent, to Jo : Chattock of 
C. B., of Tame Leasow or Tame Meadow in C. B., and June Croft 
in Erdington. Witnesses, William Billingsley, the writer, To : Bucknell, 
Edward Worthington. Bond (same date) confirming same. " June 
croft" means a recent, new, or younj enclosure. 

A.D. 1623. 23 Feb. Hy. Chattock of C.B. baptised (see C.B. 
and Aston Eegisters). 

A.D. 1623. 1 July. Sale by Sir W. Erie of Chawbro', Dorset, 
and Ann, his wife, heir of Francis Dymock, late of Erdington, and 
cousin and heir of Sir Geo. Dymock, to Hy. Holden of C.B., the 
Hodge Hill Leasow in C.B., between lands of Devereux and a common 
called Hodge Hill Common, the land of Jo. Chattock and the king's 
highway, leading towards Birmingham on all parts. Witnesses, Tho : 
Smalbroke, Tho : Addyes, Tho : Lane, Edward Byrche, and Jo : Willis. 

A.D. 1625. May 12. Sale by Jo: Chattock of C.B., yoeman, 
sells to Hum. Holden of Erdington, the Jane (June) Croft, there 



99 

occupied by Eog. Jackson and Chris. Sadler. Witnesses, Thomas 
Bloxiche, Tho : Lance, Edward Eagles, Jo : Eogers, Jo : Hopkins, and 
Phil: Gliphant. 

A.D. 1628. 25 June. Bond for £108 between Jo: Chattock and 
Hen : Chattock of C. B., son and heir, and Jo : Cotterill of Bacon's 
End, Tanner and Auldrey, Moseley, to be paid at house of Lucrese 
Moseley, Wo., mother of said A. M., at Moseley, co. Staff. Witnesses, 
E. Moseley, Eog. Bell, B. Barnes, and Grace Duffield. 

A.D. 1629. 11 July. Mem m -, that Sir W. A. Devereux of 

Leigh Court, Wor : promises to let to Jo : Chattock of C. B., certain 

dight (land) in Hoarstonfeild and Quashing, then held by Henry 
Holden. 

A.D. 1630. 10 March. Lease by said Sir E. Devereux for 
twenty-one years to Jo : Chattock, yeo : of C. B., of the Quatchings, 
Jon 11- Warde's land south and said J. C.'s land north, and four lands 
in Old Croft the land of Jo : Chattock, as Lord's tenant lying south, 
and his free land north, and two lands in same feild, Jo : Chattock's, 
the Lord's tenant, lying south, and Jon 11 - Warde's north, and eight 
lands in (W)horstonefeild, adjoining to Jo: Chattoc.Vs Ilodr/, Jo: 
Chattock's land lying north and south. John Dhormer, Jo : Kinward, 
Eic : Weston, and Tho : Baden. 

(72) The origin of the term Hodge (Hotchpot) and the meaning of " free 
land," as here used, will be fully discussed presently. 

A.D. 1630. 7 July. Lowe and Cooke bond. 

A.D. 1630. 14 November. Saunders and Saunders of Cleardon, 
(same date), bond do. do. 

A.D. 1631. 18 Feb. Sir Eic: Walbrahin to Parsons land, at 
Stone, Staff 6 - 



100 

A.D. 1638. 10 Jan. Lease for ninety-nine years from Essex 
Devereux, Esq., of Leigh Court, Wor c -, and Ann, his wife, to Jo: Chattock 
of Castle Bromwich, yeoman, of Somerlands, house, and farm, and 
fields, called Church furlong, Carter's furlong, the little furlong, the 
Gandee do., Barley Croft, the more the moate, two little meadows, the 
nether leasow, and newe haye, the Blunt's meadow, plot in base 
meadow by brooke, six lands in Brookesfield, one land in two 
crossfield, thirteen lands in olde crofte, all in Castle Bromwich, and in 
occupation of Jo: Chattock. Witness, Geo. Garrett, Ric. Weston, Wm. 
Winsmere. Endsm*- mem., that said Jo: Chattock' did, 1st Feb: 
1649, assign same to Francis Sadler of Castle Bromwich, yeoman, L. S. 
of J. Chattock. Witnesses, Josia Bull, Chris. Sadler, John Chattock, 
junior. 

(73) The family of Bull was a very old one. They owned and resided at Kings- 
hurst Hall for many years, and I think from the time the Mountforts left it. One of 
them I think was a solicitor about this time. They were related to the Yorks, and 
there are monuments to several of them in the vestry chamber in the tower of Coleshill 
church. 

A.D. 1638. 11 May. Deed by which Jon"- Ward of C. Bromwich, 
tanner, sold to Henry Chattock of Castle B., yeoman, a cottage or 
tenement, with croft, in C. B., in occupation of Tho : Smith, a pleck 
in Olde Croft, Essex Dexereux's land south, and Mr. Kynnersley's 
north, eighteen selions in Two Crossfield, between lands of Ed d - Brand- 
wood, Tho : Ashford, W. Colmer, Jo : Billingsley, and way leading to 
Birmingham on north, all in C. B. and Little Bromwich. Parcel of 
land called Quoucsins More, between lands of E. Devereux, north and 
east, and Jo : Chattock, south and west. Piece of land in Bucknallende, 
between land of Jo : Chattock on north side and E. Devereux on south 
and east, on the way leading from Bucknall Ende to Eodg Eill (Hodge 
Hill), occupy by W. Massey. Witnesses, W. Ward, F : Sadler, Chris 



101 

Sadler, Ed d - Smyth, Nic. Collyns. (Same date) Bond for same and 
court warranty. 

A.D. 1638. 15 May. Sale, by Hum : Holden, yo : of Erdington 
to Henry Cliattock, yeo : of C. Bromwich, of cottage, tenement, and 
field of eight acres, occup d - by Geo : Elson and Hen : Cliattock, or 
their assigns. Witnesses, Wm. Byrch, Il'ic. Dyot, Tho : Baylis, Jo. 
Yarranton, Nic s - Collyns. 

A.D. 1639. 12 June. Ellen, wife of John Cliattock, buried at 
Aston (see Reg r ) 

A.D. 1642. May 31. Jo: Kinnerslye of Ward End leases to Hen: 
Cliattock of Castle B. his mansion there, together with gardens, grounds, 
orchard, hop ground, and fields. 

A.D. 1642. Tho: Cliattock of C. Bromwich bur: at Aston 29th 
June (see Keg r -). 

No date and unfinished a counterpart apparently of deed of 11 

May, 1638. Ward (Jon 11 -) to H. Cliattock. 

A.D. 1645. Jan : 10th. Copy on paper of 1638. Lease from 
E. Devereux to Jo : Cliattock. 

A.D. 1646. 28 April. Lease from Sir W. Cowper to Tho: Cliattock 
of Stone, property in Stone and Walton. Witnesses, Spencer Cowper, 
Jo. Byrch, Geo : Lambert, Jo : Shalcrosse. 

A.D. 1646. May 4. Morge by Jo: Cliattock and Hen: Cliattock, 
his son and heir, to Chris. Sadler of Haye End, yo : all of C. Brom h -, 
for £129 of the Tame Leasowes (12 acres), and purch d - from Wm. 
Ward, and the half acre, the latter being part of the Antient Land 
of Inheritence of the s d - Jo : Cliattock, all in Hay Ende in C. B., 
between lands of Su. W. Devereux, Jo. Cliattock, and river, also 



102 

Mynorous meadow in Yeardington, Eic. Lane, Sir W. Devereux, and 
II. Holden's lands, and the river adjoining. Witnesses, Josias Bull, 
Jo. Waldron, Ric. Sadler, Wm. Sadler. Eds'- This deed paid off 3 
May, 1653. 

(74) This Tho. Chattock purchased an estate at Stone, and went there to reside. 
Chris : Sadler of Haye Ende married Hellen, daughter of Jo. Chattock. 

A.D. 1646. Deed by which Jo : Chattock, yeoman, and Hen : 
Chattock, son and heir of C. B., Morge to Geo : Sadler of Yerdington, 
the Marshe, and Newe field, now one, but formerly two, between 
land, late Sir W. Deverux, other land of said Hen : Chattock, and 
Brockes Common field, land of William Foster, late Michell's 
C. B., and Birmg m- highway; also croft called Cunningrey or Cunningry, 
between land of said Hen : Chattock, land of late W. Deverux, a lane 
or fordrore leading to said Deverux's land and Hodge Hill Common. 
Witnesses, Jos : Bull, Jo : Waldron, Ed : Archer, Chris : Sadler. 

A.D. 1647. Feb. 2. Marrge Sett?- by which Jo: Chattock of C. 
Brom h , yeoman, Hy. Chattock, son and heir of said John, yeoman, and 
Thos. Chattock of Stone, yeoman, settle for a jointure upon Margarette, 
wife of said Jo. Chattock, upon trust to Wm. Moore of Alvechurch, 
Wm. Collins of King's Norton, Eob. Moore, Alvechurch, Jo : Cotrell, 
Bacon's End, and Cris. Sadler of C. Brom h -, the house, farm buildings, 
garden, orchard, and croft of land at Hayend in C. Bromwich, occp d - 
by Nic. Feild, and field called Gibland in C. B., occp d - by Wm. 
Massey, Tame Leasows and Minders meadow all join in covenants. 
Witnesses, Hum. Greswold, Th : Astbery, N. Feild. 

A.D. 1648. Aug. 14. Arthur Lowe to Thos. Lowe of Stone land 
there. Names in same are G. Willet, T. Ditchfield, Ean. Clay, Packet 
Dickson, Jo. Dentrye, Lucretia Lloyd, E. Smyth. 

A.D. 1649. May 15. Sale from L d Hereford, Leicester, Walter, 
Ed., and Jo. Devereux, Eic. Knightley, Snr., do. younger, and Ann, 



103 

his wife, to Hen : Chattock of C. B., yeoman, of Somerlands farm in 
C. B. before described, also land in Brookesfield and Old Croft, and 
land called Quatchins, between Jon" - Ward's land, south, and the land 
of Jo. Chattock, father of Henry, on north, land in Old Croft, between 
John Chattock's land, as Lord's Tenant, south, and his own free land 
on the north, also land in (VV)horstone field, adjoining John Chattock's 
Hodge. Witnesses, Geo : Garrett, Leo. Helgar, Fran : Davy, H. Gibson, 
W. Booth, Geo : Palmer, Jo : Pearson, Sa : Knightley, Hum : Jennens, 
Hen : Palmer, Eic : Shukburgh, Wm : Leek, Geo : Garrett, Jo : Knight ; 
Same date, Warr*- from court. 

A.D. 1649. Nov. 20. Deed of Sale (much defaced) from Lord 
Hereford, Knightley, and others, to Henry Chattock and Cris. Sadler, 
both of C. B., yeomen, of Holden's farm and lands in C. Bromwich, 
Erdington, and Stichford (on paper). 

(75) These sales of May 15th and Nov. 20th, 1G49, were in the year of Charles 
the First's death, and show that the Devereux family anticipated reaction. 

A.D. 1650. Jan. 21. Deed of Partition between Hy. Chattock of 
C. Bromwich, yeoman, and Cris. Sadler of C. B., yeo : Sadler takes 
farm house and buildings (call d - Holden's farm), gardens, orchard, 
(W)hore close, the Moor, four lower lands on west of farm house, 
upper grounds, Cranwell's or Crannell's (? Crundel's) Leasow, Little 
Haye Crofte, Great Haye Croft, arable land in Haye (? High field), 
(W)horstonefield, Brocksfield, Two cross field, and appnts, and H : 
Chattock to take Oxclose, Oxclose meadow, Chillinghole meadow (holm), 
Cowper's Hayes, and Cowper's Hayes Moor. Witnesses, Josias Bull, 
Jo : Waldron, Francis Sadler, Jos. Bull, Jo : Chattock, junior. Counter- 
part, of same date, by C. Sadler. 

(76) The Cranels (or Crandels) here mentioned Professor Bosworth wrote me 
may have reference to tumuli, or barrows, and I have discovered some on the land 



104 

adjoining, as to which (see post). In Thorpe's Diplomatarium Anglicum ,Evi Saxonici, 
p. 054, "Crundells" arc said to be barrows in the charters he gives. 

A.D. 1G57. 1st Jan y - In the name of God, Amen, the firste daye 
of January in the yeare of our Lord God, one thousand six hundred 
fifty and seven, I, John Chattock of Castle Bromwich in the parish of 
Aston neere Birmingham and county of Warr : yeoman, being at present 
in bodily health, and of good and perfect mind and memory (praised 
be God for the same), yet being of great age (he was 81), and 
knowing that I am mortal, and bounde to Die, therefore make and 
ordaine this my last Will and testament in manner and forme following. 
And first and principally I doe commend and committ my soule into 
the hands of Allmighty God my Creator, steadfastly beleiving that all 
my sinns shall bee pardoned, in and by the only merritts and passion 
of Jesus Christ my most blessed Saviour and Eedeemer, and that thereby 
I shall be made partaker of everlasting joy and happiness in heaven, 
amongst the glorious saints and angells. And for my fraile body, with 
A free and willing heart I doe resigne the same to the earth whereof 
it is made in God's appointed time to be decently buryed by mine 
Executor hereafter named. And for that worldly estate whereof it 
hathe pleased God in mercy to bestow upon me, I doe dispose thereof 
as followeth. And firste I doe give and bequeath unto the poore of 
Castle Bromwich aforesaid forty shillings of lawfull English money to 
bee disposed amongst them by mine Executor. Item, I doe give, 
bequeath, and leave to Discend unto my eldest sonne Henry Chattock 
and his heires for ever as well all my Antient land of Inheritence as 
allsoe all such lands which I purchased of William Ward, John Ward, 
and Jonathan Ward, or any of them. And I doe further give and 
bequeath unto the said Henry Chattock and to all other my sons and 
daughters which shall be living at my decease, five shillings a piece 
in money, Item, Whereas I have of late given and disposed of some 



105 

moneyes unto my Grandechildren, the children of my late daughter 
Mary Skinner deceased, in lieu of all Legacyes to them, now by this 
my Will I doe give and bequeath unto each of all the other of my 
Grandechildren by the reste of my sons and daughters (except the 
children of my said daughter Skinner) which shall be living at my 
decease twenty shillings a piece of Lawfull English money to be 
respectively paid unto the several fathers and mothers of such my said 
Grandechildren within one yeare nexte after my decease for the use 
and behoof of my said Grandechildren. And it is my will, and I doe 
hereby declare that the several and respective fathers and mothers of 
my said Grandechildren shall uppon the payment of these my legacyes 
give unto myne Executor sufficient Eel as e for the same which shall 
bee a full discharge against all and every my said Grandechildren for 
or concerning this my Legacy hereby given to them or any of them 
Item all the rest of my goods, cattel, and chattels whatsoever (my 
debts, legacyes, and funeral expenses satisfied, paid, and discharged) 
doe wholly give, devise, and bequeath unto my loving Sonn in Law 
Christopher Sadler of Castle Bromwich aforesaid, yeoman, whom I do 
hereby make, constitute, and ordaine Sole Executor of this my Will, 
no way doubting of his conscionable performance of the same. And 
I do hereby renounce all former and other Wills and do declare this 
to be my last Will and hereunto have putt my hand and seale, 

John Chattock. 

Witness hereunto, Josias Bull, Stephen Bull, Will 111 - Bull. It is to be 
remembered that the seven and twentyeth day of May in the yeare of 
the Lord 1658, I the within named John Chattock doe add this short 
Codicill to this my within written Will, that is to say, That whereas 
my sonn Thomas Chattock oweth untoe mee by Bond the sum of 
£100. Now my Will further is that if my antient House in Castle 



10b 

Broinwich within named and the greatest part of my antient land of 
Inheritence thereto belonging shall descend and come unto the said 
Thomas or his heirs, that then he the said Thomas Chattock or his 
heirs shall within six months after his or their entry upon the said 
premises pay the said sum of £100 unto Jo. Chattock my sone and 
to my two daughters, Eliz. Foster and Hellen Sadler to bee equally 
divided and shared amongst them or to the children of such of them 
as shall be then dead. And I do hereby give, devise, and bequeath 
the said sum of £100 unto my said sons and daughters accordingly, 
and doe declare this to bee part of my within written Will, and in 
testimony hereof I have hereunto subscribed my name. 

By me John Chattock. 

Witnesses hereunto, Josias Bull, John Ootterell. 

(77) It will be seen by previous deeds that the sons and daughters of this 
John Chattock had been provided for. At his death his sons were living upon their 
own estates, so that he bequeathed the bulk of his property to the eldest. He died 
in 1658, aged 82, and was buried at Aston (see Kegisters). The tablet to his 
memory, together with those to several others of the family, were outside the south 
wall of the chancel, and by an arrangement with " the powers that be," instead of 
the old ones (which were becoming dilapidated) being placed on the new wall, I 
have consented to the erection of a memorial tablet in the interior of the church. 
This church will be much too large after the enlargement is completed. Whoever 
occupies the last six rows of seats, whether the children, the poor (who, by the way, 
I never see either at church or chapel, although I look for them at one or the 
other of these places every Sunday), or the floating casuals, they will never be able 
to hear, and join in the services. Coleshill church is so large that it has been 
called kill curate church for more than a century. I think that it would have been 
much better to have erected one or more new churches in the most populous parts 
of this enormous parish, and much less likely to bring these fine new fabrics about 
one's ears than to start in the path of imitating the imitators, and " beautifying 
exquisitely, to outvie the papists," as Milton hath it. 



107 

Although it is sadly encroaching upon the patience of my reader, I have given 
this document in extenso because I am proud of it, not genealogically, as those who 
know me will easily understand, but because, if the testator was really what we have 
every cause to believe him to have been, I can exclaim with the poet, 

" But higher far my proud pretensions rise, 
The son of parents passed into the skies." 

A.D. 1651. Mar. 24. Lease for 99 yrs. of land and house in 
Stone, Staf : and Walton : Hy : Wilson of Gayton to Thos. Chattock of 
Stone, yeoman. Witnesses, Jo : Sergeant and To. Smith. 

A.D. 1653. June 1st. Morge by Jo. Chattock, Hen : Chattock, 
heir apparent, of C. B., and Tho : Chattock of Stone to C. Sadler of 
C. B. of Marsh and Newfield and Cunningrey fore-drough ment d /, 
leading to Hodge Hill Common, also Little Old Croft, being taken 
out of Old Croft, latter occup d - by Jo : Chattock, ju. Wit s % Josias Bull, 
Jo. Waldron, C. Sadler. 

A.D. 1655. Jan. 7th. Sale by Tho : Chattock of Stone, Tho. Plant 
of Yarnfield, fields at Walton and Stone, Elizh : Chattock his wife, and 
Mary Chattock his daughter, ment d - Witnesses, Wm. Jervis, Eliz. 
Kilpart, Eic. Bassano. 

A.D. 1656. Feb. 16th. Margarett, wife of Jo: Chattock of C. B., 
bur d - at Aston (see Eeg rs -). 

A.D. 1656. Mar. 4th. Sale by Tho. Chattock of Stone, Gent"-, 
to Tho. Challoner, Property at Stone. Witnesses, Eic. Norton, Wm. 
Green. 

A.D. 1656. Mar. 7. Norton to Challener, Lease of Property at 
Stone. Witnesses, Hy. Eybon and Greene. 

A.D. 1657. May 1st. Morge by Hy. Chattock, Cris. Sadler, and 
Wm. Sadler, all of C. B., and Jo : Chattock the younger, late of C. B., 
now of Bicknill (Marston Hall), to Tho : Wilson of Maxtoke of Somer- 
lands Farm. Witnesses as before. 



108 

A.I). 1658. June 19. John Chattock of C. 13. bur d: at Aston 
(see Keg 1 '). 

A.D. 1G59. May 3. Sale by Cris. Sadler, Exor. of late Jo. Chattock, 
to Hen. Chattock, his son, of goods, chattels, and effects in house and 
buildings at Hay End, and House at Old Farm Barn. Witnesses, Jos. 
Bull, Win. Bull, Stev. Bull, and Wm. Saunders, a brewinge loome 
delivered in name of whole. 

(78) I have this inventory, and, amongst other items, there is a malt mill, 
which is even now in working order. 

A.D. 1659. July 1st. Sale by Hy. Chattock of C. B. to Ed. 

Piggot of C. B. four acres in common field called Hurste field, part 

bet 11, lands of E. and T.'s Sadler, and the other on the hill in the said 

field, bet 11 - lands of J. Bridgeman, Esq., T. Sadler, and Jo. Thornton, 

occp d - by Pigot and Mitchell, And also of late the Inheritence of 

John Chattock, dec d ', late father of the said Hen : Chattock, and 

belonging to his Antient Messuage in C. B. Endorsed (these are deeds 

concerninge the sale of lands in Sutton and other places sold by our 
ancestors, the Chattocks). 

A.D. 1661. Mar. 8. Deed of Indemnity by Hy. Chattock of C. B., 
yeoman, to Cris. Sadler the elder of C. B., yeo : from his share of 
liabilities in securities by sale and demise of Barn and eight acres of 
land near Hodge Hill Common, occp d - by H. C, and pur d - from Hum. 
Holden, Ox close, Chillingholm Meadow, four acres in (W)horstone field, 
on a Hat there, between the Antient Inheritence of the said Hy. Chattock 
on both sides, four lands in old-crossfield, a close in C. B., on which 
a cottage lately stood, one and a half acre in old crossfield, eighteen 
selions in Two crossfield and Quachins Moor, bet"- the land of late 
Jo. Chattock and Jon 11 - Ward. Wit s % Jos s - Bull, Wm. Bull, and Ed d 
Sadler. 



109 

A.D. 1662. May. 3. Morge by Hy. Chattock of C. B. to Mary 
Sadler of C. B., eldest daughter of Oris. Sadler of the Tame Leasowes, 
and half acre for £100. Witnesses, Jos s - Bull, Wm. Saunders, Ed. Sadler 
Indors*- that on 16th May, 1C71, Thos. Chattock, brother and heir of 
Henry, p d - s d - £100, L. S. M. Sadler. Witnesses, Jo. Brooke, Jo. Ward, 
Wm. Foster. 

A.D. 1664. June 1st. Sale by Sir Herbert Prise, of Park Hall 
and others to Hen. Chattock of the Stonycroft, adjoining old croft, 
two and a half acres in old Crossfield, eighteen acres in Hyefield als 
Brookesfleld. Witnesses, Eic. Hill, Jas. Branwood, Ste. Bull, Nic. Flecker, 
Hambrose Bridgeman, Ed. Okies, Jos. Paston, Wm. Bull, Tho. Blandell. 

A.D. 1665. Administration to Will of Hen : Chattock granted to 
Tho. Chattock, his brother. Witness, Jo. Chattock. See Lichfield Reg 1 * 8 - 
Same date, Valuation of Effects. 

A.D. 1665. Sep. 29. Morge by Tho. Chattock of Stone of Hay 
House Estate to Jo. Holioke of Norton Bagot for £400. It is described 
as All that Antient Capital Messuage called the Hay House, having 
long been the Antient Inheritance of Henry Chattock and divers others 
of his ancestors^ also all and singular other not before mentioned parcels 
of land usually used, occupied, reputed, and accepted as any part or 
parcel of the Chattock's said antient Inheritcnce. The Broomhills, 
Marsh, New Field (? Newhay), and Horse, or house, croft, are mentioned, 
also Hodge Hill House and fields, &c. Wit s % Jo. Browne, Cris. Sadler, 
Jo. Chattock. End*- is consent to fine. Wit s % Jo. Wright, Dor y - Wright, 
Wm. Holioke. Same date, Counterpart. Wit 88, to sealing and poss% 
Wm. Labon, Wm. Abell, Wm. Holioke. Bond to same. 

(79) This House croffc is so called because the clay of which the bricks are 
made to build the house was got from out a pit still to be seen in this field, but 
the name has been since corrupted to House Croft. The present erection (which is 
the third) was built in 1603 ; and an old grate backing, of cast iron, was some 



110 

years ago sold with a lot of old iron from the smithy by mistake. It had been 
taken out of the entrance hall fire-place. The design upon it consisted of the royal 
arms of Scotland— two unicorns, and underneath a vessel in full sail upon the water, 
with the date, 1G03, and was intended to represent King James coming to England 
in that year. The John Chattock who died in 1658, aged eighty-two, and was 
buried at Aston on the 10th June in that year, built the house, and he was, 
I believe, with one of the Holts of Aston Hall, and others, on a deputation sent 
out to meet him. 

A.D. 16G6. Nov. 1st. Eedemise by To. Wilson to Tho. Chattock 
of C. B. of Somerlands Farm (in Deed of 1 May, 1657). Witnesses, 
C. Sadler, Eic. Sadler, Fabian Cotterill, Sam : Field. 

A.D. 1667. John Chattock and Henry Chattock of C. B. bapt d - 
(see C. B. Eeg rs ) 

A.D. 1667. Cancelled Deed T. Chattock of Stone and T. Astbury 
occur. 

A.D. 1668. May 1st, Sale by Hy. Chattock of C. B. to Hum. 
Griffin of C. B. a cottage there in wh h - Alice Massey dwells, croft 
called Grubland, one acre in Little Bucknellfield, all in Bucknoll End, 
late Inheritence of Hy. Chattock, dec d - Witnesses, Ste. Bull, Ed. Pigot, 
Ja. Compton, T. and J. Cornson, and Ed. Sadler. 

A.D. 1669. Aug. 5th. Mary, wife of John Chattock, bur d - at Aston. 

A.D. 1670. Jan. 3rd. Undertaking that if interest is paid for three 
years advantage not to be taken tho' first term had expired, between 
Jo. Holioke and Tho. Chattock. Wit ss: , Wm. Tanner, Wm. Holioake. 

A.D. 1670. Feb. 28. Deed bet n - Thos. Chattock of C. B. and 
Marg*- Parsons of Stone as to propt y - there. Wit ss -, Wm. Jervis, Tho. 
Challenor, Jo. Wolrish, Wm. Wright. 

A.D. 1670. May 28. Tho: Chattock's and C. Sadler's Assgm*;, 
(of Lease made by Hy. Chattock to Cr. Sadler) to Jo. Bridgeman, Esq. 



Ill 

(see Deed of 8 Mar : 1661). Wit s % Wm. Sadler, Jo. Scott, Wm. Meanly, 
Peter Bretherton, Ed. Sadler. Draft of this on paper. 

A.D. 1670. May 2 . Morge by Tho. Chattock and Elizabeth, his 
wife, of Close and Barn at Hodge Hill, Oxclose, Chillingholm, eight 
lands in (W)horstone field, betiveen the antient land of Inheritence on 
both sides, four lands in old croft, Land in Two Cross field in Little 
Bromwich and Qnachins Moore. Witnesses as before, Bond, do. do. 
Eeceipt given by T. Chattock for £250. Witnesses as before. Same 
dates. Defeasances signed by Bridgeman and Chattock same Wit ss - 

A.D. 1670. May 28. Morge from T. Chattock to Jo. Bridgman. 
Witnesses as before. 

A.D. 1671. April 4th. John Chattock of Marston Hall bur d< at 
Aston. Will at Lichfield : wife's name was Eliz : and they had Mary 
(Tonks), Margaret, Sarah, Frances, Ann, John, Henry, and Thomas. 

(80) This name Two Cross field first occurs some five hundred years ago, and 
was so called because the roads adjoining it formed two crosses. The roads or lanes 
are still used. It was a large open campus then, but contains several enclosures 
now. This place name shows how the propensity to indent the features of districts 
upon the map still lingered. 

A.D 1671. Oct. 3. Morge from Tho. Chattock of C. B. to Jo. 
Holioke of Norton Bagot and Eliz h -, his daughter, of Propt y - before 
desc d for £500. Witnesses, Eo. Banckes, Thos. Chattock, Dor v - Wright, 
Jo. Wright, Wm. Holioke. T. C. is to receipt Counterpart, Court 
Warrt y - Bond in Latin securing same, in which Thos. Chattock and 
Thos. Chattock, his son, join. 

A.D. 1674. D rt Deed as to property at Stone. 

A.D. 1674. May 20. Reconveyance from J. Bridgman to T. Chattock 
of Morged Premises. 



112 

A.D. 1674. May 20. Eeceipt for money on payment of this 
Morge. Witnesses, Jo. Thornton, Jo. Ward, Geo. Cotterill, Ed. Brand- 
wood, Thos. Chattock, Jnr., Thos. Chattock. Wm. Sadler signs receipt 
as Attorney for Bridgeman. 

A.D. 1675. Aug. 20. Bargain and Sale for a y r ' Thos. Chattock 
and Eliz h , his wife, and Tho. Chattock, their son, to Jo. Ilolioke of 
lands at Aston and Stone. Antient Inheritence ment d - Wit ss , Eic. 
Moore, Eic. Gilbert, Wm. Holioke. 

A.D. 1675. Aug. 21. Tho : Chattock and wife and Thos. Chattock, 
their son, grant to Jo. Holioke lands at Stone and Castle Bromwich 
to secure £250, that at Stone is called Great Micklow, thirty-six acres, 
and White Moors, thirty acres, lands at Bromwich are odd fields, but 
not the Eesidence. Witnesses as before, and Antient Inheritence ment d - 

(81) The " low " in Micklow of this Deed indicates a harrow there. Stone and 
Leek were much occupied by the early Saxons, and, if I recollect rightly, there is some 
account of barrows about the latter place given in the pages of the '* Beliquary." 

A.D 1675. Aug. 21. Further Morge bet n same parties. Antient 
Inheritence ment d - Counterpart, Bond. 

A.D. 1676. Mar: 25. Hum. Holden, Gent"-, Ed. Birch, Gent., 
Tlio : Foster, yeo., Trustees of Vise*- Hereford for charitable purposes 
in Aston of 1st parr, Eic. Billingsley, E. Taylor, Wm. Undrill, Church- 
wardens of Aston, Tho : Foster, Wm. Nightingale, Wm. Flavel, overseers. 
Wm. Acocke, Spurrier and Wm., his son, of C. B. Eecites that Vis*- 
Hereford had granted to Holden, Birch, Foster, and o r % since dec d 
£4 per aim : out of land at C. B. called ffymyards, 40/- of which 
was to apprentice poor children, it was ordered that Wm. Acocke, jnr., 
be apprenticed to Wm. Acocke, snr., to learn trade of a . Spurrier. 
Obligations are interesting ; one runs, " fornication or matrimonic within 



113 

the said town (C. B.) he shall not commit," &c, &e. Witnesses, Jo. 
Brooke, Wm. Saunder, Tho. Foster, Wm. Undrill. 

A.D. 1679. "A Levy " or asses* for C. B. in which Haye Ho : 
Est 0, is asses'ed next to Bromwich Hall, Estate Park Hall 3rd Interest 8 
50 names of owners, and, amongst others, Eagles, Thornton (at Bare- 
bones Farm), Foster, William Jnrdon, and others. Burton, E. Sadler, 
Briskoe, Pyggotte, J. Ward, Yale, Undrill, Adcock, John Thornton, 
Waldron, Weston, Foster, " Jnrdon for the Blounce Hill." This Jurdon 
is a Jewish name, and the Blounce (see ante) was from Blount,, also 
a Jewish name. See post as to early Anglo-Hebrew Christians. 

A.D. 1679. May 14. Deed bet"- Hy. Wilson of Birmingh 1 "-, Is c - 
Welch, do., representatives of late Wilson of Maxtoke and Tho : Chattock, 
now of Stone, late of C. B. Assign*- to Messrs. Holioke of Somerlands 
Farm. Witnesses, Ed d- Brenand, Tho : Chattock, jnr. Counterpart, 
Witnesses, Eic. Gibert, Jo. Welsh, Ben Tomlinson, T. Chattock, Wm. 
Holioke. 

A.D. 1679. May 14. Deed by which Tho : Chattock of Stone, 
Eliz h -, his wife, and Tho : Chattock, their son, Morge to Jo. Holioke 
of Norton Bagot the Somerlands Farm for £400. Witnesses, Eic. Gilbert, 
Wm. Holioke, and Jo. Banks. Same dates. Counterpart and covenant 
Bond. 

A.D. 1681. Levy or Asses*- of C. Bromwich Propt y - for Train 
Bands, at \, and \, and Id. The Bromwich Hall Property (late 

Devereux's) is not asss d - Chattocks is £6 5s. Sadler's (several) 

about £5. Eowland Brasebridge (? Park Hall) £1 2s. Very interesting 
thirty-eight freeholders. 

A.D. 1681. Administration granted to effects of Susanna Chattock 
at Lie : (of Bicknill) Marston Hall. 

i 



114 

A.D. 1681. Jan. 3. Deed for a year bet"- Mr. Berkley, Jo. Holioke, 
Tho: Chattock of Stone, and his son, Tho. Chattock of C. B., yeo : 
and lid. Berkley, Spetchley, Wor : of antient Messuages called Haye 
House, and Hodge Hill House, and fields as before. Witnesses, Jo. 
Stinton, Tho. Perkins, (Vis. Mawdicke, Ro. Wylde, Jo. Tyas, and Jo. 
Chattock. 

A.l). 1681. Jan. 4. Reconveyance of mortgaged property from 
Holioke to To. Chattock, KHz 1 '-, his wife, and To. Chattock, their son, 
of Haye House and Hodge Hill Ho : Estates. Ant L Inheritence meiit d - 
Same Witnesses. Same date Counterpart, with Schedule of Deeds. 

A.D. 1683. Mar. 25. Apprenp*- Indenture, similar to one of 1676, 
except names. Same Trustees, but Tho: Chattock. Tho: Lane, and 
Tho : Hopkins, are Churchwardens, and Ed. Brandwood, W. Rogers, 
Wm, Foster, and Jo. Banner, are overseers. Jo. Morris is app d - to 
Wm, Dickman, Cordwainer. Witnesses, Ro : Whadcock, Jo. Foster. 

A.D. 1683. Oct, 30. Rowley to Hussey, Propt y - at Stone. 

A.D. 1687. Jan. 31. Tease for a year from To. Chattock, Snr., 
of Stone, Tho : Chattock, the younger, of C B., and John Chattock, 
youngest son of said Tho. Chattock, the elder, to Tho : Astbury of 
Aston, near Stone, and Ric. Burton of Newcastle, of Haye House and 
Hodge Hill House Estates, and property at Stone. Witnesses, Ric. 
Jervis, Wm. Wright, Ric. Bolton, and Jo. Jervis. Same date, Counter- 
part, do. do. 

A.D. 1687. Feb. 1st, Conveyance in Trust to particular uses from 
Tho. Chattock, the elder, and Elizabeth, his wife, of the 1st part, Tho: 
Chattock, the younger, of C. B, his son and heir apparent, of the 
2nd part, and John Chattock, youngest son of the said Tho : Chattock, 
the elder, of the 3rd part, Tho : Astbury of Aston, near Stone, and 
Ric. Bolton of Newcastle of the 4th part, and Mary Chattock, daughter 



1 15 

of the said Thos. Chattock, the elder, the 5th. Witnesses, Wm. Jervis, 
Jo. Jervis, Ric. Bolton, and Wm. Wright. Ends d - May 19, 1699. Receipt 
for £300. Signed T. Chattock, To. Homer, Ed. Homer. 

A.D. 1G87. 1st Feb. Counterpart. 

A.D. 1689. Ellen Chattock's Will (of Bicknill) at Lichfield. 

A.D. 1691. 18th May. Lease for a year, Berkley to T. Chattock, 
the elder, of seventy-three acres in Stone, and property at C. Brorn' 1 - 
Wit ss , Jo. Banner, Pet, Proby, and Jo : Alsop. 

A.D. 1691. 19 May. Eeconvy 6 - by R. Berkley, Jo. Holioake, and 
T. Berkley to Thos. Chattock, Snr., of C. B., of propty morged in 
former deed for £250, i.e., on paying back same. Wit ss - as in last deed. 

A.D. 1691. 19 May. Tho. Chattock to Jo. C, his son, Lease for 
a year, endorsed is Indre of Assign*- of this deed to J. ft, his son, 
in consid" of his having paid this £250, and also tene* 1 and property 
of wh h he had seizn and poss"- Dated 20 May, 1691. Wit 88 -, Mary 
Brinley, Eln Street. 

A.D. 1691. 19 May. Counterpart. Wit 88 - as before, and Ed. 
Waldron. 

A.D. 1693. 12 May. Berkly to Holioke, Lease for a year to give 
poss" Wit 88 -, Ed. Williams, Jo. Banner, Ric. Predy. 

A.D. 1693. 13 May. Indemnity from Jo. Holioke, Tho. Chattock, 
and Jo. ft, jnr., his son, to Worshipful Mr. Berkly, ags*- repay*- of 
£250. Same Wit 88 -, Jo. Cottrill and Wm. Chalerly, and Counterpart. 

A.D. 1693. 14th May. Berkley to Jo. Chattock of ft B., yeoman, 
Lease for a year to redeem Morge. Wit 88 -, Williams, Banner, and 
Predy. 

A.D. 1693. 15th May. lieconoy 6 - of Morge from Berkley to Tho. 
Chattock and Jo : ft, his son, on pay*- of £350. Wit ss - as before. 



116 

A.D. 1694. Aug. 8. Levy for C. Brom' 1 and Water Orton, 
Bromwicli Hall Estate, £1 10s. 6d., Cliattoek's, £1 3s., Park Hall, 
£1 2s., Sadler's, 15/-. Jo. Hadley, overseer, served by T. Sadler. 
Allowed Ric. Verney, Jo. Clopson. This " Levy " is given in full in 
a subsequent chapter. 

A.D. 1695. 28th June. Indre (endorsed on Deed of loth May, 
1693). I, John Holioke, party to within, have had of Jo. Chattock all 
moneys reserved and payable by proviso of redemt"- and makes over 
all papers, &c. Dat, 28th June, 1695. Wit s % Tho : Sadler, Wm. Holioke. 

A.D. 1695. 22 July. In this Lease to reconvey morged premes, 
Jo. Holioke to John Chattock of C. B. the term is used, " and have 
long been reputed as part of the antient Inheritence of the said Chattock's 
called the EeyT Wit 88 -, Alice Gilbert, Ann Gibbs, Wm. Holioke. 

(82) For further particulars as to the term " antient inheritence," &c, and as to 
its being a free tenure, franc alond, or alodium, from the Conquest, see post. 

A.D. 1695. 23 July. Jo. Holyoke to Jo. Chattock, Eeconvey e of 
premises to latter called Antient Messuage, with lands. Wit 88 - as before. 

A.D. 1697. 21 Mar. Thos. Chattock, Snr., buried at Aston. 

A.D. 1699. May 19th. Marriage Sett 1 - between Jo. Hulse and 
Mary Chattock, the former of Tetton, Warmicham, Co. Chester, property 
settled called Hulse's tenement and land in Cheshire. Trustees, Tho. 
Chattock, } T eoman, of C. B. and Jo. Chattock, yeoman, his brother. 
Wit s % T. and E. Homer. 

A.D. 1699. May 19. Bond to secure same. 

A.D. 1700. 14 Jan. Levy made to Jo. Thornton, Churchwarden, 
and Jo. Chattock, overseer of poor, of C. B., for money for a Work- 
house to set the poor on work in Aston Parish. Bridgeman's property 
assessed at £1 10s., Chattock's, £1 3s., Park Hall, £1 Is. ; sixty-two 



117 

assesst 8, in C. B., and twenty-two in Water Orion. All d: Basil Fielding, 
Ch s: Newsham, Jo. Andrewes, W. Palmer, and Symon Biddulph. 

A.D. 1700. Aug. 14. Levy for C. B. and Water Orton for Jo. 
Chattock's very similar to last, which I here give in extenso. 

A levy made for John Chattock, one of the overseers of the poor 
of the parish of Aston, for Castle Bromwich and Water Orton, for 
the year 1700. 

Bromwich Hall, £1 10s. ; John Burton, 4s. ; Park Hall, £1 Is. ; 
Isac Fisher, Is. ; Mr. John Banner, 6s. ; John Chattock, £1 3s. ; Thos. 
Snape, 6s. ; Humprey Eogers, 2s. ; Jos. Knight, 2s. ; Thos. Smith, 2 ; 
Wm. Ward, 2s. ; Win. Ward, of Sheldon, 2s. ; Hy. Smith, 5s. ; Jon. 
Hadley, 5s. ; Wm. Underhill, 2s. 3d. ; Thos. Lea, 2s. ; Isac Fisher, 6s. ; 
John Thornton, 4s.; The Bolmors, 4s.; Mr. Brooks and Lambert's 
Croft, 2s. ; Eobt. Smith, 2s ; Jn : Palmer, 3s. ; Walter Burton, 2s. ; 
Wm. Sadler, for the new house, 7s. ; John Thornton, for the Little 
Holms, Is. ; Mr. Whatcock's land, 3s. ; Widow Sadler, for the Blounce, 
2s. ; Eowland Brasbridg, for Barbons land, 2s. ; Eowland Brasbridg, 2s. ; 
Widow Eogers, 2s. ; Widow Sadler, 2s. ; Eold. Brasbridg, for Isc. 
Sadler's land, 3s. ; The Cow Moors, Is. ; Wm. Bilson, Is. ; The Meadow 
at Sticliford Bridge, Is. ; Ed d - Leake, Is. ; Hy. Goldingay, Is. ; Ed d - 
Sadler, for long leasow and Paddock, Is. ; Jo : Foldon, for danen ports 
farm, 6s. ; The Hall Hays and brattin barrow, 2s. ; Wm. Hall, Is. ; 
The Town House, Is. ; Wm. Ewett, Is. ; Jos. Waldron, Is. ; Joh Foster, 
9d. ; Thos. Severns, ; Jo. Waldron, ; Hy. Cater, Is. ; Thos. Sadler, 
2s. ; The Barnes meadow, 3s. ; Thos. Swift, Is. ; Jo. Berry, Is. ; Jo. 
Sadler, Is. ; Ed d - Kenley, Is. ; Thos. Skinger, Is. ; Mr. Powell, owing live 
months a penny, Is. ; Francis Spenser, Is. ; Thos. Greenall, Is. ; Ed d - 
Sadler, for Wm. Foster's medow, Is. ; Isac Sadler, 4s. ; Mr. Jo. and 
Isc. Sadler, for ye ox close, 2s. ; Mr. Jo. Brookes, for the Ocwn tythes, 
7s. (? Crown tithes). 



118 

Water Orton. 
Mr. Jennens or tenants, 3s. ; Mr. Tlio. Homer or tents, 2s. ; for 
Mr. Bull's farm. 2s. ; Walter Butler, 3s. ; Mr. E. Ely the, the farm, 7s. ; 
and for the Cots meadow and leasow, Is. ; Wm. and Isc. Fisher, and 
part of Gee's land, 2s. ; Humfrey Pearson, 2s. ; Eic. Wilrby, 3s. ; Digby 
Hancox, Is. ; Jo. Harris and tents, Is. ; Jo. Burton, for farm, 2s., and 
for Slins land and Derric meadow, Is. ; Jo. Hancox, Is. ; Ed d - Barrows, 
Widow do. and part of Gee's land, 9d. ; the heiress of Win. Jeaynes, 
9d. ; Geo. Hall, 9d. ; Thos. Lingard and Jo. Mountford, 9d. ; Wido 
Hawley, ptl of Gee's, Is. ; Jon. Eodes the like, Is. ; Walter Butler the 

like, 9d 

Tho : Homer, S 4 - 

Allowed by us, Aug. 14th, 1700. Wm. Palmer, Jn. Andrews 
(endorsed), John Folden's farm, divided ; Jo. Folden, 2s. ; Jo. Palmer, 
2s. ; Sir Jo. Bridgman, 9d. ; Ed d - Sadler, 9d. 

Levy made to Jon. Thornton, churchwarden, and Jo. Chattock, 
overseer of Bromwich Hide, to raise money for workhouse to set the 
poor on work in Aston parish, in ye year 1700. Same names and 
amounts as foregoing. Endorsed on back 14 January, 1700. Allowed 
by Basill Feilding, Charles Xewsham, Jo. Andrews, William Palmer, 
Symon Biddulph. 

A.D. 1704. 4 Jan. Jo. Holioke to Jo. Chattock of C. B. Lease 
for a year of Somerlands Farm in C. B. Witnesses, Jo. Goornaw, 
Pic. Hunt. Court Warrantry. 

A.D. 1704. 5 Jan. Reconvey e: from Jo. Holioke to Jo. Chattock 
•of Somerlands Farm late in morge paym t: of morge money. Wit ss: as 
in last Deed. Ends d - "Brother Holyoke's," Chattock. 

(83) This term " Brother Holyoke's " would nppear to indicate that one or both 
parties to this Deed were members of the Society of Friends. 



119 

A.D. 1704. 15 May. Lease for a year from Messrs. Battkin oi 
Ansley, Staffs, to Matthias Astley of Tamhoriiu, gent 11 -, of land in Staff 6 - 
Wit 88 -, Win. Smith, Tho. Shakshaft, Mat. Roe, Is L - Hinckley. 

A.D. 1704. 17 May. Marriage Setting of Mr. Battkin and J e 
Shakeshaft. Same Wit 8S - 

A.D. 1704, June 7. Jo. Chattock to Mr. Brett and o 1 ' 8. Release 
and SettP- on Mr. Chattock's Marriage with Miss Mary Jesson of Graisley, 
Stafford 6 ', Tame Leasowe said to belong to Hodge Hill House, Somer- 
lands Farm is also settled. Wit 88 -, Tho. Bracegirdle, Jo. Brome, T. 
Haden. 

A.D. 1705. 27 Mar. Key and o r8 - to Wm. Hadley, Holbech and 
Biddnlph ment d: Sale of Property in Aston Rd., Birmgh" i: , Ro. Wilmot, 
Wm. Many sharp, Wm. Wall, Mary Dixon, M. Kaye, Eliz h: and Arabela 
Marrow, Jo. Cayley, Wm. Slcath, Ch v: Hooke, Tho. Clebsey ment d: 

A.D. 1706. 27 August. John, son of John and Mary Chattock, 
baptised. 

A.D. 1706. 19 2s ov. Release of last named property. Ric. Purley, 
Ro. Rokley, W. Doggett, Jo. Crosby, Martin Holbech, of Meriden, 
Mr. Heath, Deb. Promt, Wm. Turner, Jo. Pass. 

A.D. 1706. 19 Nov. Kaye to Smith, deed as to Baly's Butts. 
(84) " Baly's butts " were shooting butts. 

A.D. 1707. 4 Feb. Assign*- of Brook's morge to Mr. M. Astley 
to Jo. England. Seals cut away. Witnesses, Pr. Wakelield, Chris. 
Thompson, and Ar. Dormer. 

A.D. 1707. 27 Feb. Mary, daughter of John and Mary Chattock, 
baptised at C. B. 

A.D. 1709. 25th Dec. Elizabeth, daughter of John and Mary 
Chattock, baptised at C.B. 



120 

A.D. 1710. June 25th. John Chattock of C. B. buried. 

A.D. 1712. Cox and an 1, ats, Sadler Court document. 

A.D. 1712. 10 June. Thomas, son of John and Mary Chattock, 
bap' 1- 

A.D. 1714. June 11. Cornelius, son of John and Mary Chattock, 
bap d - 

A.D. 1718. 9 May. Deed by which Jo. Chattock of C. B., 
assigns to Fs. Wale and an' - , of Princethorpe, Broughton, Astley, of 
Leic, and Philip Wale of Princethorpe, and Wm. Cooper of Stony 
Stanton lands, Broughton Astley, mortgaged to Jo. Chattock, by way 
of lease and release. Witnesses, Wm. Almey, Geo. Puckson, Tho. 
Shepherd. 

A.D. 1718. 15 Nov. Eeconveyance of lands at Princethorpe, 
morged to J. Chattock. Witnesses, Jo. Wightman, Eob. Abell. 

A.D. 1722. 9 January. John Chattock bur d - at Aston. 

A.D. 1722. 22 Mar. Lease for a year, Hadley to Tonks Ho. 
and lands called Balys Butts. Witnesses, Wm. Kent, Henry Powell, 
Jo. Hooke. 

A.D. 1722. 25 April. Will of Eo. Smith of Birmg m - 

A.D. 1723. Jo. Chattock bur d - at Aston, April, 9th. 

A.D. 1729. 7 August. Levy for overseers of Aston for C. B. 
Bridgeman's, £7 6s. ; Chattock's, £4 10s. ; Park Hall, £4 6s. ; Hall 
Hays and Bratten barrow mentioned. Hy. Greswold and Jo. Abell, 
magistrates. 

A.D. 1729. 29 Sep. Mrs. M. Chattock of Solihull to her son, 
Mr. Jo. Chattock of C. B., lease of Haye Ho. for ninety-nine years, 
if she so long live, for £60 per an. Broomhill, said to be in three 
parts, Tame, Leasow, and Tame meadow mentioned. Witnesses, Ed. 
Makepeace, Jo. Wealey. 

A.D. 1729. 29 Sep. Counterpart. 



121 

A.D. 1729. 1st Oct. Lease for a year, Jo. Chattock of C. B. to 
Eo. Barber and air" of farm barn heretofore, a dwell 8- ho : with 
garden, orchards, &c, moore and moat, and all the old iields (except 
Haye House and Broomhill, horse, croft, &c, in dower to his mother), 
also Hodge Hill House and fields, one of which is said to be in 
common held called Base Meadow. Witnesses, Gervase Burton and 
Js. Brockett. 

A.D. 1729. 2 Oct. Jo. Chattock's Settlmt. in lieu of dower on 
Marge with Mary Astley. £500 marge portion and for dock g: and bar g: 
dower of Farm Barn and Hodge Hill House Est s: Witnesses, E. Kent, 
Lyd. Lewis, Gerv. Burton, and Is. Brockett. 

A.D. 1730. Mich 8 - Term. 2 Geo. II. Exemplification of a 
recovery. Jo. Chattock, vouchee. 

A.D. 1731. 21 Dec. E. Wright and Chris. Astley, articles of 
clerkship. Witnesses, Ann Atterbury, Tho. Elson. 

A.D. 1732. 17 April. Mrs. Mary Chattock, lelease to her brother, 
Jo. Chattock, for £300, left by J. Chattock, father of said J. Chattock. 
Witnesses, Jos. Bull and Eic. Carless. 

A.D. 1733. Dec. 19. Levy of Jo. Chattock for highways. 
Bridgeman's est 6- , 10s. ; Chattock's, 6s. 6d. ; Park Hall, 6s. ; J. Bridg- 
man and others. 

A.D. 1736. May 24. Levy for poor for C. B. and Water Orton. 

A.D. 1736. August. Do. for Jo. Chattock for Water Orton, 
interesting, many names in same, as Fawkenbridge, and others. 

A.D. 1736. 25 Dec. Assg t- and settlm*' on Eliz. Chattock's marge 
with Jo. Farmer the yng r *, of Atherstone. Tho. Chattock, and Tho. 
Farmer of Clifton, Leicestershire, trustees. Witnesses, Jos. Bull, Jo. 
Weeley, Ed. Makepeace, and Js. Barne and Cornelius Chattock. 



122 

A.D. 1737. 1st February. Bridgman, Bart., and Jo. Chattock, 
exchange of lands in Highfield for land in (W)horstonelield and High- 
field. Witnesses, Jo. Bull, Ric. Simcox, Jo. Rogers. 

A.D. 1737. 8 Mar. Lease for year Astley to Astley. Witnesses, 
T. Ashton, W. Parr. 

A.D. 1737. 9 Mar. Surrd r of copy 1 '- do. do. in Mansfield, Notts. 

A.D. 1738. 10 Jan. Mary Tonks and Isc. Tonks, Release property 
in Birg"\ Witnesses, S. Haselwood and E. Dolphin. 

A.D. 1738. 1 April. Chris. Astley of Lon. to Naylor of Mans- 
field, lease. Witnesses. Lowther and War sop. 

A.D. 1739. 21 May. Jo. Chattock and Sri. Banner, exchange of 
lands called the Hannche of Chattock, and land in Highfield of Banner. 
Witnesses, W. Sadler, T. Luthner, Ric. Carless. 

A.D. 1740. 29 Jan. Christopher Chattock, son of John and Mary, 
bap d - at C. B. 

A.D. 1741. Copy will of Ar. Astley of Tamhorne, Any. Kinnersley 
of Layton, Salop, and Norton, of Sow, exors. Witnesses, Dorcas 
Chadborn, Bridg., and Isc. Brockett. 

A.D. 1741. 16 Aug. Tho. Chattock of C. B. bap d 

A.D. 1743. 10 Mar. Will of Sar. Astley of Whittington. Mat. 
and Chris. Astley, exors. Witnesses, Bradgate and Heath. 

A.D. 1744. 7 Feb. Jo. Chattock Exchanges land in two Crossfield 
for land of Cox of Coleshill in Brockslield. Wit s: , An: Steel, T. Tuckey. 

A.D. 1765. 19 Feb. Sir C. Holt to Hooper, cancel'd Lease of 
Aston Mill. 

A.D. 1766. 2 Aug. Mrs. Norton to Rd. Norton, Lease of Est 6 - 
Witnesses, Jo. Hawkins and Chris. Astley. 

A.D. 1767. Mrs. and Mr. Farmer's receipt to Jo. Chattock for 
£300. Witnesses, Hy. Whateley and Jo. Camden. 



123 

A.D. 1770. 14 Apl. Copy, Will of Ric. Astley of London. 

A.D. 1771. 1 Dec. Will of Jo. Cliattock, gives his sons, Chris- 
topher and Thomas, £2,000 each, and Estate to Matthias. Witnesses, 
Cris. Astley, M. Bourn, and Eliz. Wright. 

A.D. 1771. 8 Dec. Jo. Cliattock bur d - at Aston. 

A.D. 1772. 5 May. Messrs. Chattocks to Claridge. Deed to bar 
entail Three Estates mentioned, viz : Haye House, Hodge Hill House, 
and Farm Barn Estates. The last was the site of the second residence, 
and the foundations of the old Barn are all squared red sandstone from 
the moated residence. 

A.D. 1772. 1 Nov. Ric. Dyott to Sir C. Holt. Particulars of 
Lease. 

A.D. 1776. 28 Sep. Mary Cliattock bur d - at Aston at 72. 

A.D. 1777. 24 Dec. Walker to Matthias Cliattock Lease for a 
year land in High( hey) field. Witnesses, Cris. Astley, M. Purton. 

A.D. 1777. 25 Dec. Same to same, Conveyance. 

A.D. 1778. Baxter and Warden, land at Olton, Solihull. 

A.D. 1778. Thomas, son of Thomas and Sar. Cliattock, bap d: 6 
Oct. at C. B. 

A.D. 1779. 18 May. Court Roll of Mansfield, Notts, Astley, 
and Sales. 

A.D. 1784 18 May. Matthias Cliattock bur d: at Aston. 

A.D. 1787. M s: Cliattock to Cris. Cliattock. Lease of Jointure, 
Rent £182. Seal, escutcheon in orle of martlets. 

(85) These are the arms of Chaddock, of Chaddock Hall, co. Lane., and the 
granting of them to this C. C. is another proof of the absurdity of heraldry. Because 
one of the family on a former occasion refused to pay fees, the arms of the Dorset 
Chattock which were upon the books were not granted, but those of this Chaddock family, 
with a difference, because they were supposed to be extinct. The difference was the 
omission of a cross in the escutcheon. 



124 

A.D. 1788. Mar. 25. Tho. Chattock to Tho. Butler, declaration 
of Trust. 

A.D. 1780. 27 Mar. Oris. Chattock and Jos. Welch, Deed of 
Exchange, Two Crossfield, said to be in Little Bromwich. Witnesses, 
Oris, and Dor tv: Burton. 

A.D. 1791. 19 Oct. Christopher Chattock burd d: at Aston. 

A.D. 1793. 27 Mar. Elde to Chattock (Thos.) Indemnity as to 
Trusteeship. 

A.D. 1799. 20 April. Counterpart for Bedemption of land, Fox 
to Thos. Chattock. 

A.D. 1811. 13 Mar. Copy, Will of Tho. Chattock. (N.B.— Horse 
Croft here called House Croft. 

A.D. 1813. 30th August. Thos. Chattock bur* at Aston. 

A.D. 1816. John and Mary Chattock and Trustees, Copy, Belease 
and Indemnity 

A.D. 1817. 1 Nov Bridgewood to Jo. Chattock, Agreement as 
to water course. Hall meadow and Mynors meadow mentioned. 

A.D. 1826. 13th April. Enock Horton's Declaration as to 
Chattock's (John) right of fishing. 



CHAPTER III. 
Additional Notes. 

"A knowledge of the etymology of words leads to a knowledge of things." — Plato. 

As will appear by a subsequent portion of this work, the reason 
Dugdale had but little to say of the neighbourhood respecting which 
these charters principally treat, was a personal one. Dugdale was fond 
of money, was revengeful, and in all his writings studiously avoided 
the slightest allusion to those families who did not believe in payino- 
fees to heralds, and subscriptions to his works and " plates." When 
Dugdale made his visitation of Warwickshire, the owner of these 
charters and of the estate so frequently alluded to in them, was one of 
these — the John Chattock whose will of 1657 is copied on a previous 
page. 

His father, too, at the visitation of Warwickshire in 1602-3, sooner 
than pay herald's fees, disclaimed, or gave up all right to bear arms. 
This disclaimer is recorded in the books at the heralds office, and is 
another proof, if proofs were wanting, of the utter absurdity of 
heraldry, for by these books it appears that some families who have 
an indubitable right to " bear arms," are disqualified to do so, i.e., a 
misleading entry is made in the books to gratify the petty spite of 
the heralds. On the other hand, it is a well-known fact that any 
one can get a " coat " by paying for it, which " coat " is stolen from 
some one with a somewhat similar name as to etymon, and a patch 
is placed upon it called a " difference " to prevent identification. 

This is worse than a petty trader infringing a patent or trade 
mark! The father of this John Chattock, who disclaimed, was as 
much entitled (according to other books in the heralds office) to " bear 
arms " as to carry his head, but, because he refused to pay for 



126 

having them registered, or rather re-registered, he was a marked 
man. His progenitor, the Henry Ohattock, who went into Dorsetshire 
(see deed of 1509), married a Percy of Shaftsbury (see Hutchin's 
History of Dorset). The family then obtained acknowledgment from 
the Heralds College that the arms of the Chattoek's were " A fess, 
<iules, between three gads." See Visitation Hook of County Dorset, 
anno 1565, marked G. 8, fo. 82. 820 in the College of Arms, crest 
a lion's paw. The latter is in " Fairbairn's Crests. As Dngdale could 
not make his stern, old wished for " customer " " bleed," he avoided 
(as was his wont in every similar case) all mention of the family 
name, although he frequently came across it. There are two title-deeds 
as to Deritend chapel, and the one of 1875 with the name of Thomas 
Chattock in, he studiously avoided ; this will be seen in his account 
of Deritend. (See Toulmin Smith's Memorials of Old Birmingham.) 
He quotes the other, however. He must have frequently heard of these 
old charters from Montfort, Booth, and others, but he never saw them, 
or he would not have committed himself in the way I am about to 
explain. The most racy part of the business, how r ever, is that these 
arms have recently been " granted " to a brother of mine, who, 1 am 
sorry to say, has been weak enough to apply for them. I preface 
the following notes upon the town and district of Birmingham with 
these and some disparaging remarks upon Dugdale, by the Eev. R. W. 
Eyton, in his excellent history of Shropshire, quotations of a similar 
import from Hamper's Life of Dugdale, and with other remarks of 
my own in the shape of corrections to his antiquities on comparing 
them with Doomsday, &c. 

This I do without the slightest risings of petty spite on the old 
score of heraldry and genealogy, for both of which I entertain the 
most supreme contempt, My sole object in this mode of procedure is 
to correct errors, and prepare the reader to receive his general 






127 

observations and deductions with caution, for T think that they are 
but upon a par with his etymological, genealogical, and heraldic efforts. 
His etymology of the names of places consisted simply of Somner's 
guesses, who was without local knowledge, and resided as far away 
from the places described as it was possible to get without quitting 
the country. His heraldry is not better than that of others, and all 
heraldry is but sorry stuff. 

His genealogies, to me, seem like a series of biographical romances, 
and nothing more. His genius this way excels the combined power of 
all other pedigree-mongers. During a long and most searching pursuit 
of antiquarian lore, the only accurate description of the rise of the 
surname in families I have ever met with is that given by the late 
Toulmin Smith, in his Memorials of Old Birmingham, on the use of 
the descriptive particle "de." I had wondered from youth upwards as 
to why our philologists had not long ago smashed the whole host of 
heraldic and genealogical writers. Mr. Smith, though, is quite wrong 
as to the pedigree of " de Birmingham." There is neither proof nor 
likelihood of more than about half of them being related to each other, 
i.e., of the earlier " de's." 

The use of this " de," not only in our- own day, but any time 
during the last four centuries, denotes and denoted not only the most 
absurd affectation but gross ignorance, for instead of its conferring an 
air of antiquity (as is commonly supposed) upon the name of those 
who assume it, it is in reality the only test of a mushroom origin. 
Until the reign of Edward IV. Christian names only were known as a 
rule, excepting in a few instances,, as in the cases ot some descendants 
of Anglo-Saxons or Anglo-Normans of note, such as Baldwin, Godwin, 
and Devereux, and also some Anglo-Hebrew Christians. In that reign 
(Edward IV.) surnames became general, and were mostly taken either 
from place names ; as we see by these charters, there are two families 



128 

who were at first called de la Hay (of the Hay), and de Somerlond 
(of Summerland), ultimately take those place names as surnames. 

Some took their surnames from their callings, as John le Webb 
(weaver), William le Couper (cooper) — from Danish kuip, a tub, kuiper 
cooper, a barrel maker —and the like. The family name of Lemon 
originated from nothing more than " John the man," John-le-mon, a 
compound of Anglo-Norman and Anglo-Saxon. Dugdale, in his pedigrees, 
seems either not to have understood the origin of names, or else he 
must have thought no one else ever would, for he has perpetrated 
some of the most excruciating muddles or biographical romances. The 
following, or something like it, appears to have been his mode of 
procedure : A family named Langley, we will say, promised subscrip- 
tions to his book and " plates." It is from Saxon, Lang = long, and 
leah = a meadow, longleah or meadow, and there is one place or more 
of that name in every county of the kingdom. He arrives in London 
and commences his searches, and the earliest John de Langley or 
Thomas de Langley he finds (no matter what county he is of), he 
starts his customer's pedigree with him. Perhaps he is a priest, and 
has been complimented by the scribe with the not uncommon affix 
" Sir," and who, perhaps, was a rigid advocate and observer of 
celibacy. It is all the same, down the name goes in the note-book 
as a knight banneret and founder of a family. The next de Langley 
is perhaps one several counties away, but if he is a landowner, or any 
one of note, into the pedigree he goes as second " transmitter of a 
foolish face," and so on until he has ransacked every county in the 
country. This to me seems the predominant feature of all his pedigree- 
mongering. All the pedigree-mongers are bad enough, but he is 
doubtless the worst of all. In his pedigree of Archer, one would 
think he selected a Bowman out of every " corps " of the country 
almost. I have given this imaginary case by way of sample by 



129 

simile. I believe that Dugdale has erred, and done more harm than 
all the other old pedigree-mongers together, and that he and the 
Heralds College have done more to demoralize a certain class in this 
country than any other man and institution. I will conclude these 
remarks with a quotation I copied some years ago, but cannot 
recollect what work it is from. I think it is from the Eev. E. W. 
Eyton's Salop. I am not quite certain as to the reference. It cannot 
be too often re-printed, however. 

" We may here dismiss this tissue of falsification and forgery. 
That very ancient school of heraldry which originated such documents is 
perhaps extinct. Genealogy and heraldry, apart from their moral and 
historical uses, are degraded studies. How can that be of moral use 
which perverts truth and ministers to the worst form of family pride? 
How can that be an available element of history which poisons the 
very foundations of history itself ? " I think it is at, or near, p. 302 
in vols. iii. and iv., bound together, and is respecting Wriothesley's 
Pedigree in B. Museum, which he calls a " detestable forgery." 

Notes on Hamper's Life of Dugdale. 

Pasre 21, he " attended funeral of Peers at Oxford." P. 40, 
" composed pedigrees of nobles early in life." P. 104, received money 
from different noblemen for his work on the Fens. P. 110, from his 
own diary it appears that he did not spend sufficient time on his 
County Visitations to be correct, and often met magistrates at the 
assizes. P. 132, he visits nobles at their seats on his Visitations P. 140, 
Paid money for knighthood. By his diary it appears he was constantly 
visiting the nobles. P. 266 says, " he was requested to take some 
paynes in the Stanley's pedigree." P. 270, both Dugdale and his son, 
with all their fine chivalrous pretensions, did not hesitate to cadger 
for subscriptions personally ; and at p. 279, the son is requested to 

K 



130 

" draw her on," meaning some lady, for the same purpose. Archer and 
Du^dale (as appears by their letters) seem to have thoroughly understood 
each other. By p. 358 of Hamper, and pp. 132 and 259 of Dugdale's 
Diary, it appears that one Holmes and he had a quarrel respecting 
an alleged proffered bribe, or something of the kind. P. 373, manu- 
facturing crests by " differencing." P. 399, Lord Darcey writes, thanking 
him for his Barons, and says, " All should be grateful for his enshrining 
them, or they would have been buried in their own rubbish" P. 417, 
Duke of Newcastle writes, saying he hears Dugdale wants " a narrative 
of his life by himself." P. 453, Dugdale, in another letter, writes, 
" Earl of Abingdon will send a present, and the Duke of Norfolk and 
the Earl of Peterborough are to be attended to." See J. Dugdale's 
letter to his father — very curious. P. 469, son writes to father that 
Lord Delamer pleads poverty, and refuses to pay fees. P. 471, same 
to same, in which it says, " expects inquiries into their office, to new 
model it. This tends very unhappily for our business in hand." P. 472, 
same to same, in which similar apprehensions are expressed, and hopes 
of " humiliating opponents." See p. 498 as to Dugdale's being vindictive. 

From Eyton's Antiquities of Shropshire. 

See vol i., p. 304, vols. ii. and iii., pp. 208, 210, vols. v. and vi., 
pp. 48, 49, &c, as to Dugdale. (N.B. — All my notes from the work 
of this justly-esteemed author are taken from an edition in which two 
volumes are bound together — edition 1860, 8vo., 12 vols.) In these, 
and several other places, the reverend author's opinion of Dugdale is 
as freely and fully expressed as in these observations of mine ; and 
they are quite as severe, but, of course much more gentlemanly and 
" nice." 

Dugdale's Warwickshire (edition 1656). 

Page 5, gibbeting remiss subscribers to plates. Somner's assistance 
admitted. P. 6, Harborough is from here=an army, and buorg=a 



131 

fortress, or else a barrow, and not as he states. Both this place and 
Market Harbro', in Leicestershire, are near to the Fosse way and 
Watling Street. P. 74, the Alsi mentioned here and elsewhere gave 
name to Allsley, near Coventry. 

At p. 106 there is a curious illustration of the monkish super- 
stition of the author. P. 145, the pedigree here given (in Withibrook) 
makes " Henri del : Chastel de Bromwich," son of Nicholas de 
Withibroc (54, Hen. III.), and then he continues on the de Castello's 
there (at Withibroc), which is thorough-going pedigree-mongering and 
deception, for if Henry formerly of the Castle of Bromwich went to 
live at Withibroc, he would then become Henry (de) or of Withibroc, or 
Hen : de (from) Bromwich. The name castel, castle, and castello 
came from some one who resided at a castle, but perhaps as a 
menial, as before explained. All the people named Castle are not 
the same family ; just as all the Hills did not take their name from 
the same hill. Tt is, too, incorrect to say that he might have assumed 
the name of Castel or Castello when he left Bromwich and went to 
Withibrook, because the " de " is continued after his becoming located 
at Withibrook. P. 148, our author is wrong here as to the etymon 
of the name Brinklow. The mound there was not the keep of a 
castle, but a tumulus. It is close to the Fosse. He made the same 
mistake as to the tumulus at Castle Bromwich, at least he did not 
perceive that it was a tumulus, but took it for a castle keep. P. 154, 
superstition of author again crops up. P. 157, here, to gratify the 
Ardens (who must have been easily gratified), he records the fact 
that a Letitia, daughter of Siward de Arden, was a concubine to 
Henry I. P. 185, Hurst means wood, and not what Dugdale states. 
Canle would be King's Lea = or meadow ; see next place, Hill, which 
is called King's Hill. They were royal demesne. P. 192, Blacklow 
here mentioned indicates a tumulus. P. 205, Frankton means free 



132 

tun, or tenement, granted from royal demesne, free from all service, 
but not from homage. P. 385, the Azor mentioned here is a Jewish 
name (see Matt. c. 1, v. 14). At p. 381 he says the Say family assumed 
that name in 7, Eic. I. (from penes, D and C of Wor :), and yet he 
continued the "de" several generations after. At p. 363-6, Sir Wm. 
de Lucy fil. de Wal : de Cherlecote, 3, Edward III.," occurs, then, in 
pedigree, he puts this Walter de Cherlecote in 5th John. This is 
downright childishness, or something worse. The " Sir's " of these 
early dates Ave know were frequently priests. "William de Lucy," is 
a William living at some place called Lucy, therefore to say that 
"William of Lucy was son of Walter of Charlcot," is to make Walter 
formerly of Lucy. This is all muddle. See also commencement of 
Lucy's pedigree. P. 364, it is altogether foggy hereabouts ; the de is 
continued in pedigree down to 5, Eic. II. Compton's pedigree seems 
nearly all " de's." P. 396, Brailes, a large place said to have belonged 
to Edward, Earl of Mercia. Dugdale seems to think it impossible for 
there to have been small or medium sized freeholders, so he gives 
this to the " Earl," as he frequently gave other places to the " old 
Earls " of Dudley. P. 401, Dugdale here admits that some places 
being ancient demesne were not mentioned in Domesday. See pp. 
414-15, superstition again. See also p. 419, as to Barton-on-Heath, 
where it is evident that some Saxons continued to hold land after 
the Conquest, as, indeed, they did at many places, although he puts 
forth every effort to make all places " involved " in some great one's 
fee. P. 421, Dugdale, or rather Somner, is wrong here as to worth 
being from "habitatio," a dwelling. Worth is a pure Saxon word, 
and means worth or estate. "What's he worth?" "What's his 
estate?" If it is to be latinized, it then is, "What's his status?" 
P. 422, there is an Anglo-Saxon Godwin mentioned at Burmington, 
and it will be remembered that there is a Godwin mentioned 



133 

very early in the Chattock charters as near Birmingham. P. 426, 
wrong as to etymon of Bradmore. It is from Saxon, brad = broad, and 
mere = a moor — Broad-Moor. At p. 434, notwithstanding at p. 431 
having mentioned Hugh, Cameron, Baldwin, and Wallran, and in other 
places hosts of Saxons holding after the Conquest. When upon Shirley's 
pedigree he says most of the English were disposed at the Conquest, 
and then, as though to compliment the Shirley family to the utmost, 
he would make them both Saxon and Norman, if possible. He argues 
the first of them into a Thane by the number of hides he had. I 
have not tested the " de " Shirley pedigree. It seems very " de "ified ; 
but this I know, that all the pedigrees of Dugdale, and those of all 
the other old pedigree-mongers that I have examined, are not, as a 
rule, worth the paper they are printed upon — and paper never was 
cheaper. The very system is rotten. I have tested a sufficient number 
of them to know that there is not the slightest particle of evidence 
that a tithe of these " des," even in the "best" families, possessed any 
affinity to each other, which in all conscience is enough to settle the 
rest. P. 439, Eatington is from ea=water, ton=the homested, ing= 
in the meadow. P. 448, low in Pathlow hundred indicates a tumulus. 
P. 450, Wroxall. This place name indicates a wrecked Eoman villa, 
similar to what I have intimated as to Wrexham. There are remains 
of a camp, and a camp house here, I have observed, too, some mounds, 
tumuli, or remains of encampments, between Honily and Kenilworth. 
P. 488, Bishop's ton is Bishop's tenement or homested, not hill. P. 499, 
Grafton, in Temple Grafton, may be from Saxon grcef=a grave, and 
tun, a dwelling near a temple. P. 510, Barton is either from beer-ton 
or bear-ton — the beer or the bears. P. 522, Maple borough or barrow, 
being near the Icknield Street, would doubtless yield a tumulus. P. 534, 
Alcester is from Saxon, aid = old, and ceaster, and not from the river 
Alne, as Dugdale surmises. He admits, on this page, that it is less on 



134 

the Alne than on the Arrow, which, of course, it would be, because 
it was on the Icknield Street. His own words prove it to have been 
ancient demesne, "francus burgus doraini regis." Dugdale was very 
poor at topography. P. 547, Archer's pedigree is very suspicious, the 
le continues down to Henry VI. This is the height of absurdity ; 
it makes every male descendant of the family an eminent archer 
or bowman, from the earliest named down to that reign, and all 
related. P. 548, Codborrow = cad, chad, cath is battle — barrow— 
evidently, and not what Dugdale states. P. 549, Cheswike, too, may 
be war station. 

In the following place names I will give my idea of the etymon as 

they occur in his work, by which means the reader will be enabled to 

judge between us. Betles-worth= Betel's estate, Crewenhall= crown of 

hill, Kingswood= royal demesne, Preston (Bagot), priest's home, Haselholt= 

Nutwood (modern), Beldesert=fair place (from Norman-French), Ullen- 

hale, written Holehale=:hall hill, or hill hall, Whitley = wet meadow, 

Bearley=bear, or beer, leah, OfTord=Offa's ford, Walcote=wall, or well, 

cot or cottage, Upton = upper tun or home. King's Warton and Kingle 

import royal demesne. Exhall = oak or ox, hill or hall. Hemlingford 

Hundred means a hundred bounded or hemmed in by streams and 

meadows ; from Anglo-Saxon ing=a meadow. It was Coleshill Hundred 

formerly, and the dues belonged to the king, were received as late as 

temp. Elizabeth. P. 609, Holt's pedigree is very shaky ; it has too 

many " de's " and " atte's " in it. Eeferences in margin by no means 

clear, i.e., the references to Public Eecords. This I know practically, 

for I have tested them, and heard the late Mr. Toulmin Smith and 

others make similar complaints. Bordesley= meadow on border of 

Worcestershire. Saltley=salt meadow ; probably from the old spring 

mentioned by Hutton, or some similar one. P. 622, Witton=wood tun 

or home — the old moated hall formerly in the woods, and near to 



135 

where the present hall now stands. Sutton = south ton, from its site 
being south of Lichfield. It formerly formed part of Cannock Chase, 
and was afterwards called Coldneld when all the timber was felled. 
This occurred when it got into the hands of the " Church." I have 
somewhere read the clerics were guilty of " waste," as the lawyers 
call it, but escaped of course as these slippery gentry generally do. 
Wigginshill is from Saxon Wig=war, and indicates a battle ground. 
There is a Catshill, too, very near, which is from Cath=battle. P. 649, 
Pedmore=path-moor. The hall here, which has a double moat, is 
remarkable. It is in a most secluded spot. Curdworth in all the old 
charters (see the one of 17 Edward I.) is always written Crudworth, 
and was doubtless Crida's worth, or estate. Minworth=manworth, a 
grant out of the royal demesne of Curdworth to some menial (see 
post). Dnnton=home on the hill. Wishaw is a curious name, and 
difficult to determine as to etymon. The " shaw " seems to indicate 
a wood ; or the " haw," if we take it that way, a hay. P. 662, 
Eanulf de Limsi is probably from Lime Dorset (see Dorset Domesday). 
P. 680, Balsall is from Boll-salle=the hall in the boll or hollow. 
There was an old hall here in Anglo-Saxon times. Chadleswic, men- 
tioned by Dngdale, must be the present Chadwick End, and was so 
named either from chad=war, and wic=a station, or from Chad, 
Anglo-Saxon, Bishop of Lichfield. It is singular, but Chadshunt, which 
is not so very far from it, belonged to the see of Lichfield, or Church 
of St. Chad. Meriden is from mere=a moor, and dun=a hill, and 
singularly enough, the hills all about it are full of springs, even to 
near their summits. There is a house near the top of the hill, close 
to the church, called the Moat House. The moat is now dry, but 
nearly perfect. Merevale is of a somewhat similar etymon. Mere = a 
moor, and ville=:a dwelling. 

The old name of Meriden, it appears, was Alspeth, and doubtless 



L36 

from the Anglo-Saxon Alsi, who gave name to Allsley. There is a 
Alsi mentioned in Domesday in this county. There are many gaps in 
the lists of incumbents of places given by Dugdale. Meriden is one, 
and I expect they are not always owing to defective registers, but 
oftentimes to omit names of families who refused to pay herald fees, 
and subscribe to his books and " plates." He never forgave such 
delinquents. 

The place name Hampton, wherever it occurs, originated in this 
way. In Anglo-Saxon, ham, stoAv, ton, and stead were all different 
names of a dwelling or habitation ; ham or home, however, had a 
peculiarly significant import with our forefathers. If a proprietor of 
land during the process of bringing it into cultivation had more than 
one, or several erections upon it, and occasionally used them as 
habitations, the favourite one, or the largest, the best, or rather, 
perhaps, the one he generally occupied, would be called the ham-ton = 
Hometon. The Hamsteacls originated in a similar way. 

Dugdale's idea as to the origin of the name of Coleshill is quite 
childish. The name came from the hill and not the river, viz., Celtic 
and Saxon col=a sharp peaky hill. The little river instead of being 
as black as coal, was, especially in early days, and is now, as clear 
as crystal ; besides, when Coleshill received its name coal was not used. 
Our author states at p. 726 that the Montforts held Kingshurst before 
Coleshill. This should be noted. The pedigree of Hastings has too 
many " de's " in it. The essence of his history seems to be to insert 
a place by name in his work, give Somner's etymology of it, and 
then plunge into the pedigree of the landowner who was in any way 
connected with it, and had contributed as a subscriber. He is very 
poor as to Mancetter and similar places of real interest. He seems all 
for pedigree-mongery, and (tailor like) designing pretty (heraldic) coats. 
Hurley is evidently from here=an army, and leah=a meadow. Part 



137 

of this hamlet runs very near to Mancetter, the Koman station on the 
Watling Street, and there is a farm within it called the Camp Farm, 
the homestead and surroundings of which have a peculiar camp-like 
appearance. It is observable that when Dugdale finds a place not 
mentioned in Domesday, nor presumably in the early rolls, now at the 
Eecord Office, he " gives " it to the family of some of his patrons. 
He could not tolerate the idea of the existence of small independent 
proprietors of some thousand acres or so ; and he was also fond of 
saying that one place was " involved " in another, and never once owns 
to the existence of a free tenure. Bracebridge's pedigree is fully 
one-half " de's," and full of the terms, " I guess," " I presume," and " as 
I take it." 

Whately is from wet-meadow. It is all clay thereabouts. Caldecote 
is from Saxon cald=cold, and cot=a cottage. Whittington is wet-ing- 
ton, or home in the wet meadow. Bramcote was Broom Cot. Dugdale 
is poor as to Seckington and Shuttington, considering the pretensions of 
his work as a county history. There was a great battle in this locality 
in Anglo-Saxon times, and there are the remains of tumuli, or rather 
barrows, in the district. The names of both these places indicate this 
contest. Seek, in Seckington, is from Sax. sac = contention, and shut in 
Shuttington is from shut, chat, chad, and cath= battle. Polesworth 
means the worth or estate of one of the family of Pole. From this 
place name and the early occurrence of " de la Pole " in the foregoing 
charters, I think the family of that name originated. The author's 
superstitions is very remarkable in his observations on this place. 
Tamworth is from Tame and worth, the worth or island, or 
holm of the Tame ; the first stronghold here, doubtless, being a moated 
one, upon an island or holm in the meadows, and probably located 
so as to command and protect the fords, where Bole Bridge and Lady 
Bridge now are. The tongue of land in the meadows, nearly opposite 



138 

the mill and castle, and running up to where the Anker enters the 
Tame, commands both fords. This first stronghold would be older 
than the town, and to protect the fords specially. Castles and fortresses 
were not erected upon elevated sites until after the Danish and Norman 
invasions. Wiggington, as well as Seckington and Shuttington, is also, 
as the name indicates, expressive of battle. Wig, in Saxon, means 
strife. As a proof of Dugdale's mania as to manors, he states (and 
apparently believes in it) the old legend of Eous as to Caractacus 
building a manor house and church at Warwick. He appears to 
commence his Arden pedigree with a Sir Heraud de Ardene, and 
according to my note book it is on page 268. This " sir " here looks 
uncommonly like one of the ecclesiastics sometimes complimented by 
this title, and before described. 

Fac-simile of Warwickshire Domesday. 

In preface to this, Sir H. Ellis is wrong as to their being manors 
at the o-eneral survey, for they were but then created. This error 
(which has been repeatedly copied), no doubt, arose from the very 
prevalent but incorrect idea as to the primary origin of the word 
hall, which was not in England primarily from the Norman-French 
salle, or Latin aula, but Saxon heal, which is radically the same word as 
Sax : eal = all, and the verb hoelan, to conceal or cover, and originally 
meant a large room or building capacious enough to contain, conceal, 
or cover all and everything stowed away, as in the old moated 
residences, erected to hide the valuables of a district, and conceal in 
when the Danes began to infest the coasts. They were doubtless soon 
used for meetings, but could never be used as court leets until after 
the Conquest, as the feudal system only commenced then. All and 
hall are, or were, radically the same. At p. 1 Dugdale is wrong as 
to woods in Coleshill. They were two and a half and not two miles 



139 

wide, as he alleges. The present Curd worth is herein spelt Credeworde, 
but we must recollect that this was by the Anglo-Norman scribe. In 
the Anglo-Saxon the d would be a diphthong, equivalent to th, besides, 
as I have previously stated, d and t were then as legitimately inter- 
changeable as i and j are now. P. 8, there is a Tan here mentioned 
at the Conquest He may have given name to Tanworth, near 
Lap worth. P. 10, the Meriet mentioned in this place is our Mariot, 
from Mary. 

As to Erdington, here spelt Hurdington, it is stated that one 
Peter held it " f : in defenso regis e," showing plainly that it was 
royal demesne. 

It was Stanchetel and not Stunchil, as Dugdale says, who held 
Witton. Edgbaston is written Celboldestone in Domesday, and not as 
Dugdale gives it. He admits on p. 401 that places being royal demesne 
were not generally mentioned in Domesday, excepting a few instances 
when Edward the Confessor's land was alluded to. See Eyton's Salop also 
as to this. The first Norman king was soon told by his followers 
that " William the Bastard did not conquer the country himself," and 
of course immense tracts of land were allotted to them ; but it was 
thought wise, by way of conciliation, to allow many of the Saxon 
thanes and some bordarii, who had not risen against the Conqueror, 
to retain theirs. This was particularly the case as to Warwickshire, 
for it was one of the counties that did not rise at all. See Wace 
and Freeman. In consequence of this, and the Danes scarcely passing 
the Watling Street, the locality of Birmingham was peculiarly Saxon 
in character. See post. 

Dugdale ignored both thanes and bordarii in his solicitude to 
glorify his great feudal lords and barons. If he blundered upon a stray 
grange or tract of waste or common land, he dubbed it a manor, and 
immediately commenced his " it would seem," " as it appears," " I 



140 

should guess," &c, and then " involved " it in the nearest manor of an 
alleged ancestor of one of his subscribers He also ignores the Cotarius 
who (Spelman and Du Fresne to the contrary notwithstanding), according 
to Domesday and other ancient authorities, held in free socage tenure. 
As appears by 4th Edward L, the absorptions of the feudal system 
had destroyed these, at least wrested the land from them, but by 
31 Elizabeth, c. 7, it was enacted that " no man may build a cottage 
unless he lay four acres of land thereto, except it be in towns or 
cities " 

I have called the Eoman Empire a kind of scourging destiny. 
What I mean is, it appears to have been the destiny of Koine to 
scourge others, and to consume herself by the process. She might well 
be called " the lone mother of dead empires " by the poet. By the 
time pagan Home fell she had scourged every kingdom, and people, 
and tongue. During the four hundred years of Eoman occupation of 
Britain they do not appear to have made any permanent improvements, 
excepting such as were evidently calculated to further their own 
interests and keep the natives in subjection ; that is, good military roads, 
numerous stations upon the same, large fortifications at junctions and some 
other places, and drainage in the locality of each as the case required. 
We have no authentic evidence to show that they improved the natives, 
or the state of agriculture. There is every reason to believe that they 
compelled the Britons to keep up a forced cultivation of the land to 
maintain them, and used their country as a recruiting ground to 
replenish their forces in other countries, and as a training ground for 
the young men they had kidnapped elsewhere ; so that it was worse 
than an ordinary military occupation, or a perpetual state of siege_ 
The Eoman writers state that upon the withdrawal of their forces from 
and evacuation of this country, they taught the Britons much in 
agriculture, &c, and put them in a good posture of defence as regards 



141 

the Picts and Scots, who had already threatened them. Why was not 
this tuition (it was cheap enough) given before ? The whole account 
seems very apocryphal. We should always recollect that Tacitus was 
related to Agricola, and as a proof that there may have been partiality 
no such " improvements " of conquered peoples are recorded of other 
generals or emperors who went forth without their Tacitus We will 
now consider the state of the Midlands from the departure of the 
Romans to the Norman occupation. 

The observation of Hutton as to the wear of roads bespeaking the 
age of places, and that such is indicated by their depths relatively as 
to the adjoining lands is very plausible upon the face of it, but looked 
into becomes less striking the more we examine it. In the first place, 
roads do not wear much excepting over an undulating country, and 
then it is only apparently and on the crowns of hills where the 
metalling, after having been reduced to grit or pulverized, is carried 
to a lower level by the washing of the storms. Again, the roads 
through the summit of hills wear away more rapidly when the soil is 
sandy. Sandy gravel is the next to go, unless, perhaps, pure loam, 
and marl and clay the last. Eoads upon a plain do not wear to 
speak of, as even a trifling metalling occasionally compensates or makes 
up the little reduction by dust and storms. There is another con- 
sideration which upsets the theory altogether, but Hutton not being a 
surveyor, did not think of it, viz., it is impossible to say how many 
times the brows or crowns of hills over which roads traverse have 
been lowered by excavating and removing the soil to the base or foot 
of the hills, and a little way up the declivities, to graduate the ascent. 
The summit of all lulls when high or sharp were always lowered 
when roads were carried over them, but no one can tell now 
how much they were lowered at the first, or how many times 
and how much they have since been reduced by such excavations. 



142 

The Mill Hill, Castle Bromwich, and Washwood Heath Hill, have 
been lowered twice. All these things being considered, and the great 
probability of iron ore having been raised and smelted at Oldbury 
and Wednesbury, and manufactured into munitions of war at Smeth- 
wick and Wall, I think that, considering the distance of Digbeth and 
Deritend (the only old parts of, Birmingham) from the Eoman road, and 
the Selly Wick — Metchley station, the idea of its having been a manu- 
facturing town in the time of the Eomans, as Hutton and others 
suppose, is absurd. It would, at the commencement of the occupation, 
have necessitated a protecting force being kept there permanently, and 
entailed upon the Eomans a loss of time and labour in hauling heavy 
materials backwards and forwards, from Oldbury and Wednesbury, over 
additional hills, than if smelted at the mines. The innumerable old 
pits and excavations in and about Wednesbury and Wednesfield show, 
as Hutton observes, that the district must have been worked from the 
earliest ages. 

The Saxons, doubtless, gave the name of Oldbury to that place, on 
account of the remains of iron workings there when they came not 
having the appearance of being so recently used as those at Wednes- 
bury. The Eomans, unlike the Danes, would, after the first Conquest, always 
enter this country on the south coast, at Charmouth or Southampton, 
so that Oldbury would be reached and worked first. When the Saxons 
first beheld these places, the strong rough plant at Oldbury would have 
perished perhaps, whereas at Wednesbury there were probably not only 
signs of smelting but manufacturing also, for when the Welsh were 
thoroughly subdued, it would no longer be necessary to remove the 
materials to be manufactured to Smethwick and Wall for that purpose. 
It is very probable, almost certain, that when the Eomans had to 
evacuate Britain, the works at Wednesbury were what now would be 
called "in full swing," so that when the Saxons first beheld it, though 



143 

the works might have been "closed," or only partially and imperfectly 
" worked " by the broken, dispirited, and down-trodden Britons, there 
would be sufficient, doubtless, to justify their calling it the Devil's War- 
shop, or Wodensbeorg. Invasion had now come home to the Romans* 
and it is but natural to suppose that the ruthless invaders would take 
home a very large supply of the very best weapons, and a very large 
supply of the very best British blood, bone, and sinew, to assist in 
keeping the " barbarians " from their own doors. And why not ? They 
had " improved " the Britons into such a blissful state of ignorance that 
there was neither harpist, historian, nor bard to chronicle their " spoiling 
the Egyptians." But it was too late. They could do many things, but 
they could not "circumvent God himself." 

" Ye princes of the earth, ye mighty few, 
Who, world subduing, can't yourselves subdue, 
Who own no law, no reason, but your will, 
And scorn restraint, tho' it be from doing ill, 
Think not from wrongs like these unscourged to live, 
Long may ye sin, and long may Heaven forgive ; 
But, when ye least expect, in sorrow's day, 
Vengeance will fall more heavy for delay." 

Vengeance fell from heaven upon mankind when Borne arose, and 
vengeance fell from heaven upon the Romans when Rome fell. 

The old moated stronghold, constructed by the Saxons at Birming- 
ham as a standpoint from which to resist the Danes, was the com- 
mencement of the life of Birmingham. This would be in about the 
year 919 A.D., when the fortifications at Wednesbury were repaired. 
(See Sharon Turner.) 

When the Romans evacuated this country, the five great military 
roads, Watling, Icknield, Herming Streets, the Fosse, and the road from 
Manchester to Bath, Exeter, and the south-west, through Worcester and 
Gloucester, would be in their best state, because they had been occupied 
for a long time, and left abruptly ; and if the whole country had then 
come into the hands of one enterprising people, instead of being divided 



144 

into the Heptarchy, the Midland metropolis, or the district between it 
and Wall, would have been a splendid site for the seat of government 
and military centre. It is, and was, not only in the very heart of the 
country, but at or near the junction of the two great roads, Watling 
and Icknield Streets, bisecting the country from north to south, and 
from south-east to north-west. This immediate district, Wall, moreover, 
is near to and about equi-distant from two other cross-road stations (High 
Cross and Wroxeter) upon advance lines running into the two other 
parallels, the Fosse and Manchester and Caerleon and Exeter roads. 
From such a centre, and upon such roads, messages could have been 
rapidly dispatched, by chariots, to and from the most remote confines 
of the country. They would have had iron, and coal, and building 
stone at Hammerwich, and lime close at hand, water power on the 
Tame, and numerous sites for windmills. Instead, however, of such an 
occupation, the Saxons came in shoals and settled upon the coast first, 
so that Crida did not reach the Midlands until one hundred and twenty- 
five years after the evacuation by the Romans, by which time the roads 
about the great central junction at Wall would be covered with grass. 
Then, as I have previously stated, instead of laying out and allotting the 
land systematically, and in accordance with the direction of these fine roads 
that interlaced and traversed the country, they proceeded without method. 
The best lands were seized first, and the Roman roads and remains were 
not respected of course in any of the seven kingdoms. The very fact 
of there being so many petty kingdoms did away with the desire for 
one good centre, and keeping up these superb roads. This is why neither 
Birmingham nor any part of the immediate neighbourhood came earlier 
into note. All the other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms would, no doubt, for 
some considerable time have their munitions of war from the old country, 
as they were upon the coasts, but Mercia perhaps kept up the old works 
at Oldbury or Wednesbury. 



145 

I have another observation as to etymology being of service in 
these inquiries. It is well-known to etymologists that the elements 
" by " and " ness," or noes, in place names are peculiarly Danish. See 
"Notes and Queries," second series, vol. v., p. 78, and vol. vi., p. 443. 
Now the truth of this is confirmed by the frequency or otherwise of 
these elements occurring in the districts merely visited, and in those 
settled, or partially settled, by that people, I do not recollect a " ness " 
or a " by " in the south of England at all, and this was where the 
Danes scarcely ever went. There is Sharpness Point in the south-west 
midlands, and but one " by," Tenby, where the Danes are supposed to 
have visited but once. I recollect but Sheemess in the south-east, 
and in Mercia, or that part of it on the south-west of Watling Street, 
which was once their boundary line. I recollect but rlngby, (Monk's) 
Kirby, and Willoughby, and these are close to the line of demarcation. 
The moment we pass the boundary line of Watling Street, however, 
they frequently occur close to it. 

There, there are Cold Ashby, Ashby (Magna), Ashby (Pava), another 
Willoughby, Kirby Mallory, Cudeby, Appleby (Magna), Appleby (Pava), 
Shears^, Bl&by, Arnesby, Batby, Bretby, Ingleby, Kilby, Enderiy, H&thby, 
Oadfy/, Buckby, Groby, Kirby, Mark&y, Derby, Grimsby, Whitby, and 
countless other similar place names between the Watling Street and 
the north-east seaboard, where the Danes almost always landed. These 
cases in point — proofs, I may say — as to Danish elements in our place 
names, ought, I think, to confirm our belief in those instances previously 
produced, in which the Saxon element predominates. They should, too, 
I think, be also of service in the consideration of other place names 
we are about to canvass. 

The east of Scotland, too, where the Danes often visited, has the 
same peculiarity in many of its place names. Witness, for instance, 
Caithness, Inverness, Bnchanness, Fineness, Tarbetness, Noss (Ness) Head, 

L 



146 

and Bulletins. On the west coast, where the Danes would 
scarcely ever visit, there is but one, viz., Sandy ness. These are not 
" curious coincidences." They are strong evidences. Since writing the 
foreo-oino - I have casually looked into Hutton again, and find he states 
that in his time (about a century ago) ancient remains were to be 
seen in those parts of Harborne and Smethwick nearest to Birmingham. 
These would no doubt be the fortifications protecting the wic, or village 
of smiths — Smethwick, and the Harborne — Selly wic station. Icknield 
Port Eoad, if the name is old, indicates the gate or entrance from 
Oldbury and Smithwick into Ichnield Street to this Eoman station. 
Perry Pont, too, at the bridge at Perry Bar, is (if an old name) from 
pons, and confirms my statement as to an old Eoman bridge having 
been at Oldford, and if a modern name, it is marvellously suggestive. 

Hutton's attempt to make the first " lord " of the manor of 
Birmingham a follower of Crida, the first king of Mercia, is ludicrously 
similar to Dugdale, and all the other pedigree-mongers who would place 
all "under the Conqueror" and the "great barons." He has followed 
Dugdale, too, as to all the " de Birminghams " being related, and lords 
of the manor, under the " old Earls of Dudley." His Johns and 
Thomas', and other " de Birminghams," were not without land and 
houses perhaps, but then they were simply men without surnames, and 
living there at the times stated, but perhaps not more than six of 
them were in the slightest degree related to each other, although they 
are pedigreed as of the same family, and hereditary lords of the manor. 
The records of court leets do not show so many of the lords of the 
manors of Birmingham as being descendants of each other, as Dugdale 
and Hutton surmise. I will " put a case," in temp. Henry VI., when 
surnames were unknown, the lord of the manor of Muddleton was 
William de Muddleton. He dies without male issue, and his sister's 
son, William, has the manor. In such a case as this the old pedigree- 



147 

mongers would dub the nephew as son and heir, supposing the actual 
affinity did not appear in the proceedings. The manor could at times 
be bought by any one, so that if one John a Lorimer, or " bit maker," 
became a purchaser prior to temp. Edward IV., when surnames were 
unknown, he would by our pedigree-mongers be dubbed as " John de 
Birmingham "=Lord of Birmingham, which is about as sensible as to 
dub every Lord Mayor of London a peer. See post. I do not think 
that Birmingham was even a small manufacturing town until two or 
three centuries after the Conquest. I think that at the final settlement 
of Mercia by Crida, and for several centuries after, the site of the 
town and district was mostly forest or woods, and ancient demesne 
of the crown of Mercia, and that the meadows alone, and perhaps a 
very little adjoining land, were utilised for pasture and cultivation. 
That Birmingham was ancient demesne and forest, I collect from the 
following, amongst other reasons, viz. : A certain old building called 
Hay Barns formerly stood near Birmingham, in the vicinity of 
Bordesley and the Garrison Lane. The Hay of which this was the 
tithing barn formerly joined another Hay, Hay Mill and Hay Hall, 
Yardley, which, though in that parish, runs close up to Birmingham. 
This Hay Barn was the tithing barn to house tenths in, and when this 
Hay was given up for cultivation, and its being so situated is proof 
that this Hay extended not only east to Hay Hall, Yardley, but west 
into, and included most of the site of the present town of Birmingham, 
for tithing barns were always built in the centre of the districts to be 
tithed. The interpretation given to the word hay, Saxon hcey — a royal 
hedged preserve in a forest, in note to charter No. 1, is not a 
conjectural one. It consists of Ey ton's extracts (and others), taken 
literally from the public records, each of which bespeaks plainly that 
such hays were as stated (i.e., in the first instance), all royal demesne. 
All such chases and hays of the Heptarchy fell to Egbert ; as they 



148 

♦vere so numerous, and mostly far away, would soon be brought into 
cultivation. 

Besides the cases cited from Eyton's Salop, the Forest, and other 
Rolls, relating to the other counties, bespeak the same. Pipe Hays, 
Erdinffton, would be found mentioned in the Pipe Polls. The Clerk of 
the Pipes was an officer to "lease out Crown lands." Ogley Hay, from 
ack-Oak, near Hammerwich, was in Cannock Chase. 

A^ain, Conygrees, or Coney-greens (for full explanation of which see 
post), are also indications as to the near presence of royal preserves, and 
old Birmingham had two, viz., the site of the present Congreve Street 
(Cony-grove), and one between the Priory and Gosty, Gosta — Gorsy Green. 

Taking Hay Barns then as a centre (and it is still marked on some 
of the old plans), if we place one foot of the compass there and remove 
the other to Hay Mill, or Hay Hall, Yardley, as the extreme south-east 
periphery of the circle described from such a centre, it will be seen that 
the whole circle would embrace an area equal to the district of old 
Birmingham. Even if the Hay, of Hay Barn, took the form of an ellipsis 
its conjugate axis would also be sufficient for the purpose. We will now 
inquire as to the probable causes of this district becoming a Hay or 
royal demesne. 

We have read of the Anglo-Saxon kings of Mercia being located 
sometimes at Leicester, and at Stone, in Staffordshire. They may have 
been there sometimes, no doubt, although so far apart, but the one is 
too much to the east, and the other too much to the west, to be 
fixed upon as a good central position for the capital of Mercia. 

Mercia, in one respect, was worse off than any of the other 
kingdoms of the Heptarchy. She had the chronic difficulty of the Welsh 
boarder to contend with, so that we may expect to find her king often 
concerned upon that side of his dominions. In Archaeological Journal, 
vol. xxiv., p. 103, it states that Wulfer " had once a seat at Barrow 



149 

Banks, near Stone, Staffordshire," and he doubtless, I should think, 
gave name to Wulfer= Wolverhampton. We have also a Wulfer's low. 
Afterwards, Offa, like another Severus, went to the west, and cut his 
famous dyke to protect his subjects upon the Welsh border. We have 
also Offlow, Offlow Hundred, unmistakable signs of his presence there, 
though the name does not indicate a permanent occupancy. Offlow 
would be Offa's lo\v=barrow, or burying-ground, and would, no doubt, 
be where he once met and repelled an invasion of the Welsh, and then 
buried his dead upon the spot. This loiv is still to be seen, and is 
marked on the Ordnance Map. To my mind, however, there is far 
stronger evidence than this as to the settled residence of Anglo-Saxon 
kings in the more midland county of Warwick, for we know that they 
were once seated at, and signed charters, and struck coins, at Tamworth. 
Then, again, we have Kingsbury near there, and Kingshurst, in Coleshill 
parish, also contiguous. King's bury = King's fort, and King's hurst = 
King's wood, and each having been royal demesne, and so-called in 
charters and deeds at intervals up to the Conquest, are certain indications 
of royal occupancy. But there is still stronger evidence than even this. 
Curdworth, which is near Tamworth, was also royal demesne, and, in 
fact, as the name indicates, was nothing less than the estate or " worth " 
of Crida himself. The various spellings of this word were all perfectly 
natural and legitimate. In fac-simile of Domesday it is Credeworde. 
This is perfectly correct, because the caligraphy of the Anglo-Saxon is 
different to what the Norman-French scribe would make use of. The th 
of our Curdworth would in the Anglo-Saxon be represented by their 
diphthong th, which was a d crossed, which the Norman scribe would 
omit to do. [n the Chattock charter of A.D. 1289 it is Cn^dworth, and 
I am in possession of other charters in which it is so spelt, down to tem. 
Henry VI., i.e., with the liquid semi vowel r preceding the vowel u. In 
short, every letter change from Cridaworth to our Curdworth was strictly 



150 

correct, i.e., allowable at the time, according to the best authorities in 
other derivations, such as Professors Bosworth, Latham, Barnes, and the 
Philological Society's papers, &c, &c. A remarkable coincidence con- 
firmatory of this is the name of the little district or hamlet in Curdworth 
parish, called Minworth, which is simply, in Anglo-Saxon, Mon=or Mans- 
worth, or estate, in contra-distinction to Crida's or the King's worth, i.e., 
a portion alienated from the royal demesne to a subject. This should be 
as evident as that Kingsbury and Kingshurst were the fort and wood of 
the king. Kingsbury is elevated, and being on the east side of the 
Tame, and where the river is deep, presents some obstacle against a 
sudden attack from the west. To show that this derivation of the 
place name Minworth is not strained, I will draw attention to a similar 
instance, viz., Mansfield, Notts. This place was in the forest of Sherwood, 
so that it was carved out of the royal demesne, and granted to a subject 
as free land. This " felled " portion of the forest then became the mon's 
or Mans-field ; and, as to proof of its being free land, and not under the 
feudal system, it is stated that " by an ancient custom of this manor, 
the heirs were declared of age as soon as born," thus showing exemption 
from the wardships, marriage, escheats, and reliefs of tenants in capite, 
or those created by subinfudation. The cases of Curdworth (Cridaworth), 
Manworth or Minworth, and Mansfield, are the greatest " curiosities of 
literature " it has ever been my lot to meet with. I will now proceed 
to show, first, the great quantity of land hereabouts that, before the 
Conquest, would be royal demesne, and in another chapter some (which 
I believe to be unique) that from before the Conquest to the present day 
has ever been franc alond, or free land — alodium. 

Near Tamworth we have Hopwas Hayes. Dugdale, p. 714, under 
head of Coleshill, has " et ultra acquam boscum a quercu, qui vocatur 
qurcus castelli usque ad Luttlehaie "=Little Haye. By reference to the 
parish plan of Aston, a field called the Hall Hays will still be found 



151 

to constitute part of the Kingshurst Hall estate, which estate is partly 
in that parish and partly in the parish of Colesliill, though Hall Hays 
is in the hamlet of Castle Bromwich. This is, doubtless, the "Luttle 
haie " of Dugdale, the " qurcus Castelli," the wood of Kingshurst, or 
a wood, part of which now remains as " Smith's Wood " on Ordnance 
map, between Colesliill Park and the Hall Hays, of Kingshurst Hall. 
Dugdale admits that Park Hall was in the "Haya de Bromwich," and 
it will be shown presently that that Hay extended from there to 
Bromford. Erdington was a forest (see Chattock charters as to the 
Forrester of Erdington), and it had, too, several little Hays in it, as 
will more fully appear by some other charters I am about to edit. 
Erdington adjoins Sutton. Adjoining the parish of Sutton we have 
Bradnock Hay, Little Hay, and Little Hay Hall (of which, however, 
see post). Coming back to Bromwich, we find the Chattock's Hay 
adjoins Little Bromwich, in fact, ran into it in 1670 (see deed of 
that date), which is not so very far from Hay Hall estate in Yardley, 
which, as I have shown, through the Ha}', of the Hay Barn, must 
have pushed into and included Birmingham. Curdworth (i.e., the 
double-moated hall of Pedmore) is exactly equi-distant between Tamworth 
and Birmingham, one the north-east and the other the south-west 
extremity of this extensive tract of royal demesne. Pedimore Hall, 
which was formerly in Curdworth parish, has the most perfect double 
moat I have ever seen ; iii fact I have never read of such a lame 
and perfect double one, and I have read of and inspected some 
hundreds, with " the eye of a lover." It is in a most secluded spot. 
The etymon of the word Pedimore must be from Saxon paad, pad= 
path, and more=a moor, the path through the moor=Pathmore. I 
have for many years thought that this secluded moated home in the 
moor, with no road to it but a path, was selected at the time of the 
incursions of the Danes, for the same reasons and in the same way 



152 

that I have described as to the old moated " ham " of Birmingham ; 
but on going thoroughly into the matter, and having regard to the 
names of Curdworth and Minworth, the dimensions of the double 
moat, its central position in so large a tract of royal demesne, its 
contiguity to Tamworth, where we know some of the Anglo-Saxon 
kings once resided, struck coins at, and issued charters from, and 
Kingsbury = (Kingsfort) also, I can come to no other conclusion, but 
that it was a kingly residence before that period, even, as its name 
indicates, of Crida himself. I am aware (Beale Postes' Ancient Britain, 
p. 320) that it has been thought that the Saxons did not make their 
moated residences until the approach of the Danes, but I never deemed 
it correct, because as Offa long before that period made a dyke the 
whole length of the western boundary of his kingdom, he and his 
predecessors would certainly be cautious and industrious enough to see 
to the little moating requisite to fortify their own dwellings. Even 
supposing that Crida himself did not, but that some subsequent Anglo. 
Saxon monarch did erect this imposing moated home, one thing is 
quite clear, and past dispute, it was erected upon Crida's estate or 
worth =Cridaworth. I think this is as certain as that Kincrston-on- 
Thames (where we know some of the early Anglo-Saxon kings resided), 
and the several other Kingston's scattered about the kingdom, were 
not erected by and named after Jack Cade or Wat Tyler. 

It is not fair to suppose that because Leicester was a Soman 
station, rose into some importance early, and is a more important 
place than Tamworth and this district of Kingsbury and Curdworth 
now are, that it was always so. The evidences of charters, coins, &c , 
as to Tamworth are equally as good. Wednesbury was " repaired," and 
Tamworth, very early. Besides the foregoing extract from the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle as to this, see also Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxons, 
vol. ii., p. 318. 



153 

Leicester was not so important a Eoman station as Wall ; it was 
only an ordinary station upon a single road. Wall was at the junction 
of the two most important roads. It was not only at cross roads, 
but the most central crossing of roads in the whole country. Pedi- 
more Hall, Curdworth, is about equi-distant from the three Eoman 
stations — Wall, Mancetter, and the Harborne Selly Wick, i.e., it is in 
the centre of the equilateral 'triangle formed by these three points. 
So that if the Eoman roads were utilised by the early Saxons (as the 
advocates for Leicester as a capital wish to infer), I contend that 
Tamworth and Curdworth, near Wall, is a better site than Leicester. 
What I mean is that the district of Curdworth, Kingsbury, and Tam- 
worth were the seat or seats of Crida and the earlier Mercian kings. 

This great tract of royal demesne, extending from Tamworth to 
Birmingham, and from Coleshill to Little Hay, near Shenstone, is but 
a portion of a still greater whole, which included also Sutton Coldiield, 
Bar, Bar Common, Aldridge — Ald-ric=old dominion, all of which were 
formerly part of the great chase of Cannock. Can in Cannock is from 
Saxon, cyn, cind=kind or race kin, and " ock," of the king. Beale 
Postes' Ancient Britain has also Celtic can = king. There is a Canwell 
(king's well) and Canwell Hall now, which were formerly in Cannock 
Forest. It may be said that this was a great tract of land for one 
king of the Heptarchy to retain. It was not all retained. The best, 
as in all such cases, was at once brought into cultivation, i.e., about 
Lichfield (where we know the " Church " soon obtained a grant), Tam- 
worth, Coleshill, and the Tame Valley generally. The Worst, Cannock 
Common, Bar Common, and Sutton Park, are not all cultivated yet. 
Each of the kings of the Heptarchy retained land for the chase ; in 
fact, all would be so used until required for cultivation. 

The Norman Domesday incidentally mentions some of the land 
that was ancient demesne in Edward the Confessor's, or Anglo-Saxon 



154 



times, by which means, together with the word King, in Kingsbury 
and Kingshurst, and Hay, &c., in the other place names given, we 
know that the whole district I have described as formerly royal 
demesne was so. 

The extracts from the Public Eecords as to all Hays being royal, 
as mentioned in Eyton's Salop alone, without taking into consideration 
similar references as to Hays in all the other counties, is sufficient 
proof as to their having originally been Crown lands retained for the 
chase, and not then given up to cultivation. 



CHAPTER IV. 

AVEBUEY, AND SIMILAR REMAINS, &C. 

" This wide circus, 
Skirted with unhewn stone ; they awe my soul, 
I scorn them, yet they awe, me." — Mason's " Caractacus." 

Ave, in Avebury, is from the Saxon verb afberan=to affright or 
awe, f and v being labials Avere interchangeable, the same as heaven, 
which, in Anglo-Saxon, was heafan. The Danish ave=reverential fear, 
is the same. Bury is Saxon, and Danish burg, burh=a mound, a 
tomb. Besides sanitary reasons, a desire to avoid proximity to places 
of interment may have influenced the ancients in selecting such remote 
and unfrequented spots as these circular cemeteries are always found in. 
We are very enlightened now, and have no fear of ghosts ; still we 
do not select the nearest house to the cemetery for an abode. The 
name Ave-burh=Avebury, awful tombs, is strikingly significant as 
applied to these remains, and shows that both Saxons and Danes knew 
better than old Masters Stukeley and Pegge for what purpose these 
large circular cemeteries were erected. Mason, in the most absurd way, 
has depicted stone circles as being uncovered in the time of 
Caractacus, and before the Romans had attacked them. It is said by 
some authors that the residence of the " chief Pontiff " of the Druids 
was in Anglesea, and by others that the chief temple was at 
Stonehenge. Both these accounts cannot possibly be correct, or he 
must have been a non-resident. The vast number and great size of 
the stone circles in Anglesea should strengthen my case considerably ; 
for if Stonehenge and Avebury were uncovered and rifled by the 
Romans as I allege, the remote districts of Anglesea and Cornwall 
would be just such spots that the Britons and Druids would select for 
security afterwards. 



156 

When Cerdic and his followers, 1,300 years ago, first named 
Stonehenge, the hangan-stans= hanging-stones, it shows that the erection 
or structure was a dismantled or uncovered tomb, and if rifled by 
the Romans it would be at the commencement and not at the 
termination of their career in this country, for it is recorded that 
they were upon terms of friendship with the Britons when they left. 
This applies alike to Avebury, and shows the very great antiquity of 
both erections, carrying us back at least to a period just anterior to the 
Christian era, even if they were rifled and uncovered by the Eomans 
soon after their erection by the aboriginals. 

Had these rude stone circles been temples to the sun, as some 
have surmised, they would as certainly have been mentioned by Coesar 
and Tacitus, as all mention of them would be studiously avoided if 
they are tumuli ransacked by the Eomans. They are found in 
Denmark, and the Danes originally were without any form of worship. 
They are found in the Hebrides, and the Hebrides were peopled by 
the Danes. A further and full consideration of these more extensive 
remains at Avebury, instead of shaking my belief as to the origin of 
Stonehenge, has had the effect of confirming the same. And now as 
to which of them is the oldest erection. As Stoneheno-e is nearest to 
the coast, and to the country of the first settlers, if they came from 
the east, either by sea or an overland route, through Germany and 
Gaul, and entered Albion at an isthmus where the Straits of Dover 
now are, the probability is that it is the oldest cemetery or burial- 
ground of the two. Again, the fact of Stonehenge being the smallest, 
strengthens the evidence in a claim to priority, for when the population 
was scattered and sparse, a large one would not be requisite. 

The uncertainty, more or less, always existing in the early stage 
of a settlement as to whether it will turn out a permanent one or 
not, would also operate upon the deliberations when determining the 
size of such works. 



157 

Stonehenge is very centrally situated relatively as to the east and 
west coasts, and about as far north from the south coast as the first 
settlers would probably reach during the career of their first leader, 
chief, or king ; that is (which is very probable) if the first settlers 
were not very numerous. 

Avebury, then, which is about twenty-four miles due north from 
Stonehenge, would be another good centre to fix upon as the next 
burial ground on their advance towards the interior of the country. 

Both Stonehenge and Avebury must have been covered with earth 
originally, whether tombs or temples (at least for the latter), or else 
they would have been useless. The strength of the imposts bespeaks 
this. The circular shape was, doubtless, adopted simply because they 
take less soil to cover them. Some writers have alleged that Avebury 
and Stonehenge were made circular because of their being temples to 
the sun ; and then, when treating of the square ones at Palmyra and 
other places, say that they were erected for the same purpose. I 
quoted the remark of Ferguson, in his " Eude Stone Monuments," as 
to the ground about these places being undulated or uneven, and when 
upon these spots again I think I can discover the place where the 
covering loam was deposited ; excepting, perhaps, at Avebury, which, 
being now more cultivated, may have been taken away and utilised, 
as the surface soil thereabouts is but shallow. 

The stone circle at Classeniss, in Lewis, one of the Hebrides, was 
evidently also a place of sepulchre, and not a temple. Classeniss is 
sufficiently central for a large cemetery for the whole island, which is 
but sixty miles long. Interments would be but seldom in those early 
days of scanty population ; whereas, if a temple, it could only be 
attended weekly, and by those near at hand, in good weather, and 
scarcely at all in the winter. The avenue of stones leading to it, like 
that at Avebury, are, or, rather, were, simply covered ways, and the 



158 

four remains of stones outside the circle are evidently places of inter- 
ments, perhaps of chiefs. 

In the sketches given of the stone circle in the Orkneys, the 
covering soil is shown lying in a heap near. This covering soil, as 
I say, could, I believe, generally be found contiguous to each circle 
throughout the country, excepting, perhaps, in a few cases where it had 
been afterwards utilised for gardening or farming purposes, as in such 
localities the surface soil is generally thin It should also be noted 
tli at both this circle and the one in the Hebrides are each near 
the base of a good hill of stone, so that if boulders were wanting, 
stone quarries were near. It is thought that the stone constituting 
Stonehenge came from Malborough Downs, some sixteen miles away, 
as there are some similar ones now there ; but, in my opinion, there 
would be plenty upon the spot at the period of erection, and at 
Avebury also. 

At Balbec, stones are found in the walls 58ft., 58ft. 7in., and 
58ft. 11 in. by 12ft. thick. This shows the length that some of the 
veins ran to in the quarry. One stone, which is not in-situ, but 
still at the quarry, though dressed, is 69ft. 2in by 12ft, lOin. by 
13ft, Astonishment is expressed by historian and traveller alike as to 
how these huge stones could have been placed upon each other, when 
it is the most simple process imaginable. The foundations and some 
few of the first courses of the stones in the buildings at Balbec are 
below the base of the anti-Lebanon Mount, which mount is the actual 
quarry that the stones were taken from, so that they could be literally 
rolled from the quarry and placed in-situ, for the largest only 
are to be found in the foundations and a few first courses. The 
columns of these buildings are nicely dressed, which of course they 
would be, as Damascus steel was near. This being the case, nothing 
could be easier than to dress some of the largest round stones, 



159 

intended for the columns, first, and then roll the large squared stones 
upon them. The soil is shallow, and the subsoil solid rock, so that 
by preparing the ground a little, and keeping plenty of rollers in use, 
the process would be exceedingly easy and simple. There is not a 
day passes in England without witnessing a clerk of works (with his 
hands behind him, perhaps), directing one English mason or bricklayer, 
and about two Irish labourers, with two or three rollers, moving an 
iron girder of some five or six tons in a similar way. The object of the 
ancients in having such huo-e stones in the foundations, and the first 
courses, was a very natural one, and arose from a timidity lest the 
base of the building should sink. They did not perceive that each 
foundation stone would only have to carry the weight of its own 
superstructure, and could not grasp the idea that the bonding would 
assist in consolidating the foundations, and rendering them one mass, 
as it were, but thought it would only aid in preserving the perpen- 
dicular of the superstructure. We ought not to smile at this, for our 
earliest architects, thousands of years later, always had gigantic stones 
for the foundations, and the first course or two in our old churches, 
castles, and moated houses. Even when brickwork first came in vogue, 
they never trusted to either English or Flemish bondwork in the 
foundations, but always procured large stones for that purpose. More 
than this, in their earliest brick erections they would not depend upon 
a superstructure of even 14in. walls, but had 9in. or 4in. brickwork 
between timbers ; hence our " half-timbered houses." The ruins of 
Persepolis are surrounded by the mountain of Eehumut, in the form 
of an amphitheatre, and from which stone was procurable in the same 
way, so that there would be no difficulty there. 

At Palmyra there are similar ruins, and contiguous to two hills, 
where stone was procurable. This city was utterly destroyed by the 
Eomans, as, no doubt, Balbec was afterwards. There is a letter, now 



160 

extant, in which the Emperor Aurelian, when at war with Zenobia, 
Queen of Syria, acknowledges that old men, women, children, and 
peasants had been involved in the dreadful execution which should 
have been confined to armed rebellion. Astonishment is expressed by 
some writers as to the silence of Greek and Eoman authors respecting 
the ruins of Palmyra and Balbec ; but as Alexander the Great, and 
the Eoman generals also, perhaps had a hand in producing these and 
other similar ruins, it is not to be wondered at. What says the poet? — 

" Mercy and love are sins in Rome and hell." 

These expressions of astonishment were general and loud in the works 
of early writers, and some of our more recent travellers and 
antiquaries ; but what has always struck me is the grossness of their 
vision in not being able to see the cause, and the strong probability 
of the same causes having also operated in the mutilation of the rude 
stone catacombs of their own country. A curious reflection has often 
struck me, and here recurs again, and which I must chronicle, viz. : 
if the Eomans, when they evacuated this country, did not take all 
the best implements of war, and all the best young blood and sinew 
with them, to assist in repelling the " barbarians " from their own doors, 
but left plenty of all these, and had improved and drilled and " civilized " 
the provincial Britons during their four hundred years occupation, as 
their historians allege, how was it that they could not, with these 
appliances, and the assistance of the Welsh and inhabitants of Cornwall, 
and even, perhaps, Brittany, beat back the half-starved savages of the 
frozen north ? 

If the Eoman "annexation" and "civilization" business is to be 
judged by its fruits, to my mind this was a very sorry sample, and 
tells even more against their historians than their drill sergeants. The 
Britons could, and did keep back their " barbarian " neighbours before 



161 

the Romans came, but they could not do it when the Romans had 
" civilized " them for about four centuries. This looks queer. 

The interesting letter of the Emperor Aurelian to the Queen of 
Syria was never intended for publication, we may depend, and it was 
only an accident, perhaps, or to disgrace the writer and his followers, 
that it was ever brought to light. It is to be noted that Agricola 
and his exploits in Britain are scarcely alluded to by any historian 
but Tacitus, who was his relative. 

The Romans, who also in a precisely similar way destroyed Jeru- 
salem and countless other places, would not be very squeamish over 
a few grave mounds in " barbarous " Britain, where there were no 
chroniclers to relate their exploits. 

Geographically speaking, those cities of old, all famous for their 
" cloud-capped towers, and gorgeous palaces," Damascus, Nineveh, 
Jerusalem, Babylon, Balbec, and Palmyra, were but interior places of 
a country in which those noted sea-farers and colonizing peoples, the 
Tyrians and Phoenicians, were upon the coast. That coast, the Syrian, 
has a somewhat north-west sea-board, and consequently is, as it were, 
opposite the lower coast of Britain, which has a south-east twist 
towards the sea, and as is well-known those great colonizers visited 
there, it is but natural to suppose that some one in the long train 
of colonists would carry from such a country sufficient architectural or 
masonic skill to enable them to roll a few rude stones upon each 
other at Stonehenge, Avebury, and elsewhere. 

That not only the Phoenician navigators, when at their best, but 
even the very earliest sailors of the coast of Syria may have, and 
most probably did, visit Albion, can easily be determined by the most 
simple ratiocination. 

The earliest navigators, though bold enough, perhaps, were not, 
of course, the most skilful. One trait of indifferent seamanship is a 

M 



162 

tendency to hug the land. This, of course, -would be observed in the 
Mediterranean, until they had familiarised themselves with the coasts, 
and observed the dangers of a too close adherence to the practice. 
Still, when they first passed the Straits of Gibraltar and saw the 
broad Atlantic before them, how naturally they would revert to it 
ao-ain! And the first time they did so, and sailed northwards, this 
simple trait of primitive seamanship would land them upon our coast. 

It has often struck me that if the Phoenicians or Tyrians ever 
had a colony upon the coast of Liberia, even for a time only, and 
sailed about from it, upon the South Atlantic, that South America 
might have been first discovered and colonized by them, as Cape St. Eoque 
is opposite, and not so very far from there. The old writers attribute 
to them an excessive love of colonizing. The fact of good samples of 
architecture having been found in America, not unlike that of Palmyra 
and Balbec, strengthens this supposition. In the poetic prose of the 
mighty Milton, the pope is said (with the aid of Spanish gold from 
America) to " mischief the world with his mines of Ophir." We read 
that many a truth is said in jest. And we know, from Byron's works, 
that many a poetical prophecy or rhapsody has been fulfilled. What 
if Mexico or Peru should turn out to have been the real Ophir after 
all ! Byron called " the blind old man " a prophet, who could " freeze 
the blood of monarchs with his prophecies." I see that even Pliny 
admits that the Carthagenians under Hanno went as far as Foulah or 
Sierra Leona ; but then Carthage itself was but a colony of the ancient 
Phoenicians, which people had a long career of colonizing before the 
rise of Rome and Carthage. The colonization of this country and the 
erection of sepulchral monuments at Stonehenge, Avebury, Cornwall, 
and elsewhere are much more likely to have been the work of the 
early Phoenicians than any other people, for the} 7 were enterprising and 
powerful, even in the time of Abraham. In any case, Stonehenge and 



163 

Avebury, from their proximity to the southern coast, and their both 
being in a direct line pushing out towards the centre of the country, 
I cannot but conclude were the work of the very earliest settlers, and 
for burial purposes. In " Notes and Queries," 30th July, 1881, there 
is a remark that some ancient remains recently found in the Transvaal 
may have been the work of the Phoenicians. This is taking them 
a greater distance from home than even Mexico. 

In my account of Stonehenge I did not enter into minute details 
as to the central portion of the roof or covering stones ; but even 
in this respect I have not left so much to be " filled in " by the 
imagination, as Stukeley and Pegge. They, by insisting upon its being 
a temple, have conceded to me a roof, which I will now complete, 
at the same time stipulating that, to avoid repetition and tediousness, 
it must also serve as a description of the mode of covering the three 
circular erections formerly standing within each other at Avebury. 

The whole diameter of the larger or outer circle at Stonehenge 
is 105ft. Now the two circles and two ellipses would have four 
peripheries. These peripheries would be formed by the horizontal 
stones upon the uprights of each circle and ellipse, constituting a con- 
tinuous impost ; and if these four peripheries, with the thickness of 
the stones, were, say lift, apart, it would give us only 44ft. from the 
extremity of the outer periphery to the centre, to which if we add 
44ft. more, the distance from the centre to the other side of the 
circle gives us but 88ft., which is 17ft. short of the actual diameter. 
This difficulty could only be obviated, and a covering to the centre 
effectually made, by having either more uprights (now lost), and more 
imposts round about the interior of the inner ellipse, or that the 
inner ellipse should be covered by a gabled, or hipped, or spiral roof, 
resting upon the continuous imposts forming its periphery. Stones to 
hand were to be had suitable for the purpose, for some of them are 



164 

said to have been 30ft. long. Many of the imposts about the centre, 
and few about the circumference of these circles, would disappear when 
rifled by the Romans, for intimidation and revenge, and by others for 
treasure. In every case throughout the country the centres of these 
circles would always suffer most. I can here, as a surveyor, contem- 
plate for a moment how our old friends Stukeley and Pegge would 
rejoice at this " crowning of the edifice " with a " vaulted roof." But 
objections naturally arise the moment we come to consider the proba- 
bilities or otherwise of its having been a temple. And, first, as to its size. 
I cannot understand Fergusson, in his "Rude Stone Monuments," stating 
at pp. x. and xi. that Stonehenge and Avebury " may be sepulchral 
monuments of true historic times." We have no true historical accounts 
as to what was the purpose of their erection, or there would be an 
end of the matter. The question would be settled. That the Saxons 
knew they were originally covered barrows is evident from the names 
they gave them, and the mention of some of the smaller ones by name, 
in the charters of Kemble, as such for boundaries ; but as to who 
first peopled this country and as to who erected these rude stone 
circular cemeteries, and the time of their erection, they were thoroughly 
ignorant, or we should have most certainly heard, or rather read, from 
Ccedmon, or Bede, or some of the other early Anglo-Saxon or 
subsequent writers quoting the first, for they appeared frequently and 
fast after Bede's death. Stonehenge could not have been a temple, for 
want of holding capacity. Its diameter (outside measure) was but 35 
yards, and if we deduct the space occupied by the "great altar," 16ft. 
by 4ft., the massive uprights, perhaps about 240 in number, and say 
24 inches square each, to support the roof, the space taken up by the 
officiating " priests " and utensils, the actual holding capacity would, even 
for standing for the people in this "great metropolitan church," be very 
limited indeed. 



165 

Avebury, it is true, had three such circular " edifices," but they could 
not be used at the same time for preaching or incantations, any more 
than the chapels and other compartments of our vast cathedrals can 
now be turned to account at one time for those purposes. 

At Avebury, the two smaller circles were no doubt raised one 
after the other, and when filled the larger one was erected around 
them, and the semi-circular or segmental spaces between the peripheries 
of the three circles also filled. The massive covering of stones and 
earth were to protect the interments from wild beasts. It is said that 
in the reign of Henry VIII. a tin plate was dug up at Stonehenge 
with a Punic inscription upon it, which, if correct, strengthens my idea 
as to the Phoenicians settling in this country, and erecting Stonehenge 
and Avebury, for, as is well known, they were the founders of 
Carthage, and Punic was the language of the Carthaginians. 

The entire and perfect absence of any reliable accounts as to the 
erection of these remains can in no other way be accounted for than 
by the silence of the Roman writers being attributed to their having 
mutilated and rifled them for the purposes of intimidation and revenge. 

Tnigo Jones (he was a church builder) backed up the priests, and 
alleged that Stonehenge must have been a temple, because the " altar " 
is placed due east. But if that " altar " happened to be the cap or 
covering stone to the interment of the leader or chief of the first 
settlers of the district, as I contend, it would be placed due east, 
that the feet might point in that direction — to the cradle of the whole 
human race — the far away orient. 

The allegation that temples were erected at Stonehenge and Ave- 
bury because stones of every size were most abundant there, even 
without quarrying, is simply trifling with, and insulting to the most 
ordinary readers, who know better than the authors of such nonsense, 
that from the very first, temples and churches were always erected to 



160 

meet the requirements of the population, and that stones, even in the 
earliesl limes, would be carried any distance for such a purpose. 
Moreover, and in addition to this being invariably the case, the sites 
of such erections and the residences of the priests were invariably in 
a precisely dissimilar locality, viz. : where the best land abounded. 
Stonehenge is even now in the midst of a vast waste, and Avebury 
was, too, until lately, and the land about the former has no signs of 
ever having been cultivated, and that about the latter only recently. 
Neither of these districts, it must also be observed, has ever been 
well timbered, so that a scanty population could not have subsisted, 
either upon acorns or beech mast. Oak and mistletoe are never seen, 
because they will not grow in the districts where these stone circles 
are alone to be found. Other writers have placed the sites of the 
" religious houses " of the Druids amidst groves of oak festooned with 
mistletoe, and stating that the " priests " resided in hollow trees. 
These accounts cannot both be correct. 

" Round, and round, and round they go, 
Through the twilight, through the shade, 
Mount the oak's majestic head, 
And gild the tufted mistletoe." — " Caractacus," by Mason. 

I have been in every mistletoe-growing district, but never saw it grow 
upon the oak yet. See Hanbury on Planting, vol. i., p. 248. The 
very fact of these erections being upon lands that were not only most 
extensive wastes at the time, but which had the appearance of being 
likely to continue for ever so, is strong proof alone that they were 
places of sepulchre. 

The Chinese, ancient and modern, had and have a law prohibiting 
interments on any lands but waste. 

The abundance of stone ready to hand about these places was 
also another cause of their selection for sepulchral purposes, no doubt, 
as, even for ordinary cromlechs, cists, and barrows, nothing was so 



167 

much thought of as good side and covering stones for protection 
against wild beasts. 

This was the custom prevailing, even from the most remote anti- 
quity, amongst the earliest and later Jews, and at the interment of the body 
of Christ Himself. " Bury me with my fathers in the cave which Abra- 
ham bought for a burying place." Genesis, chap, xlix., verses 29 and 30. 
At the burial of Lazarus " the grave was a cave, and a stone lay 
upon it." John, chap, xi., verse 38. The Saviour was "laid in a tomb 
hewn out of the rock ; and a great stone rolled to the door of the 
sepulchre." Matt., chap, xxvii., verse 60. 

" Who shall roll us away the stone from the door of the sepul- 
chre, for it is very great ? " was the first concern, anxious inquiry, 
and touching plaint of the tender women when on their mission of 
love and duty to the Saviour's tomb. And so great was this stone, 
and so determined was the Almighty to reward their constancy and 
devotion, that (the idle men being in bed) " the angel of the Lord 
descended from Heaven and rolled back the stone from the door " of 
the sepulchre. Matt., chap, xxviii., verse 2. 

The fosse, both around Stonehenge and Avebury, appears to have 
been made for purposes of defence, and not merely for soil with which 
to cover the stone roof over the interments. Drainage they could not 
be for, as the nature of the soil did not require it ; but, if a foreign 
foe had landed after their settlement of the district, the bank of the 
fosse would be a good spot upon which to make a stand to prevent 
desecration. Caves appear to have been the first mode of interment, 
and afterwards, and where caves were not to be had, covered stone 
circles and solitary cists and cromlechs ; cerns, or kerns, seem to have 
been made hurriedly after battle. 

Avebury appears to be a large general cemetery in a central 
position (i.e., relatively as to the population if first peopled from the 



168 

south), and erected after Stonehenge ; and the large barrows at Silbury, 
Overton, and Ilakpen Hills, and the other cromlechs and cists standing 
in isolated spots about it, were those of eminent men or warriors who 
died after the other chief places of interment had been occupied. 
Stukeley's description is an admission of this, for he states that one 
of the avenues at Avebury terminates in two circles, or two elliptical 
circles, and he identifies these two circles as the tumuli of Overton 
and Hackpen Hills. I should say that Silbury Hill is one great tumulus, 
or single interment of some great warrior or king. 

The Angio-Saxons in after times followed this precedent, as will 
be seen by reference to Bateman's " Ten Years' Diggings." The general 
barrows opened and described by him were either of an oblong or 
circular shape, and the particular or single ones smaller, and lying 
either at the heads or sides of the large or general barrows. 

Again, as to these structures not being temples. In those days 
funerals would not be frequent, but few and far between, and bodies 
could be taken a considerable distance ; whereas church attendance 
would be frequent and rigid (if such existed), thus precluding the 
possibility of the attendance of any one in the desolate wastes about 
Stonehenge, Avebury, and the other precisely similar places where such 
like " sacred edifices " were alone to be found. 

In considering the question of tombs or temples, the state of the roads, 
too, at that early period should be taken into account. How could 
the most rigid Sabbatarian reach the " temples " in the Hebrides or 
Orkneys in the winter ? And those in Anglesea, Cornwall, Stonehenge, 
and Avebury would be at least ten miles from any population at the 
time of the Romans. 

Some of the tribe of writers I have alluded to have called Stone- 
henge the " great metropolitan temple of the Britons," when they 
knew that Avebury was quite near and much larger. 



169 

Others allege that Anglesea was the chief seat of religion, and ot 
the Druids. The inhabitants of the midlands, however credulous and 
superstitious, could not have attended at either of these remote places. 
Where, then, was the temple for the central parts of the country ? 
This is another difficulty of the temple theorists, but it does not at 
all militate against the opposite idea of all such places having been 
large covered barrows or tumuli. It is said that the early British 
Christians in fabulous times, and we know that the early Saxon 
Christians in historic times were fond of erecting their earliest churches 
upon supposed heathen temples, or where Eoman altars had stood. 
Some of these remain (or renewed ones in their places) to the present 
day. How came it that not one, not a single erection, ever arose 
upon the sites of Stonehenge, Avebury, or the circles in Devon, 
Cornwall, Derby, Yorkshire, Isle of Anglesea, Orkneys, or the Hebrides? 
Simply because the early Anglo-Saxon Christians knew full well that 
no heathen or idolatrous temples ever stood there. 

There are no temples of any kind there {i.e., at any of these 
places) now (1882), and to all appearance never will be at Domesday, 
for lack of population to frequent them. The entire absence of large 
circular stone cemeteries or catacombs in the midland counties, which 
are free from stone suitable for the purpose, is further proof of this. 
In these counties interments seem to have been in barrows of various 
sizes and shapes, and the bodies enclosed or covered with boulder 
stones, and in some few cases limestone, and large pebbles. The 
boulder stones when turned up by road making were used as boundary 
stones or landmarks, and then came to be called hoarstones, from their 
colour. These stones, however, are very rare in the midlands. 

The upshot of the whole matter is simply this, and it is patent 
even down to these latter days : Noted stone counties and districts 
have always been, and are, famous and noted for sepulchral remains, 



170 

and vice versa — Wilts, Dorset, Devon, Cornwall, Derby, York, Anglesea, 
Scotland, Orkneys, and Hebrides ; on the other hand, in Warwick, 
Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, and the other stoneless counties, the 
inhabitants would scarcely know what they were. 

The scarcity and price of stone is so great in the midlands now, 
that in some of the old country churchyards fully sixty per cent, of 
the grave mounds are without any stones whatever, not even a simple 
" frail memorial." About Gloucestershire and Bath, where the freestone 
is plentiful, the churchyards are like a " stone shop." 

Since slate has been used, the quantity erected in the churchyards 
near the slate quarries would be ridiculous, if not so fearfully gloomy 
in appearance. 

If the archa>ological societies of the country would join, every 
one of these stone circles might be thoroughly examined (one each 
summer) without the slightest injury to any of them. The contour 
of the ground could be noted before commencing, the turf removed, 
and every inch of the soil replaced by being put back as it was 
excavated or turned. Solid pillars might be left under, and each stone 
upright protected during the operations. I do not think the Eomans 
thoroughly rifled them, but only dismantled, and then rifled sufficiently 
to intimidate the Britons, after which it is very probable that, for 
safety, they deposited the urns containing the ashes of some of their 
own fallen, who perished just before this part of the country was 
reached. Some of them may have been tapped, too, in after times, 
with a view to treasure, but nothing but coins of value would be 
taken upon these occasions ; so, despite the lapse of time, and every 
other adverse influence, I believe a great many remains of interest, of 
one kind or other, would turn up if all the soil was removed and 
put back again in each stone circle throughout the country. I expect 
some of those now, presumably, of secondary or third class importance, 



171 

would yield the most ; such, for instance, as a good and well-preserved 
one in Dorset, Devon, or Cornwall, because Avebury and Stonehenge 
would, on account of their size, be considered more tempting. My 
theory as to Stonehenge and Avebury being covered cemeteries is quite 
confirmed by a report in the Graphic of 24th February, 1883, descrip- 
tive of the opening of a much larger one at New Grange, in Ireland. 
It is covered in precisely the same way that I have described I do 
not think that the finding a Roman imperial coin of about A D. 200 
about this tumulus indicates that it is no older than that date, for I 
think it was. This has not been uncovered by the Romans. Perhaps 
they had commenced to do so, by the coin being there, but discontinued 
for some cause. 

Icknield Street. 

I cannot refrain from attempting a solution as to the etymon of 
this name. All the Roman roads were named by the Saxons, though 
that of the Fosse is lost. 

The first syllable in Icknield is evidently from ack = oak. " In 
derivation all the vowels may be treated as one letter " (see Anglo- 
Saxon Grammar) ; and I doubt not but that if all Anglo-Saxon and 
old English documents were collated, the word oak-leah (i.e., ack leah= 
a leagh, or meadow, abounding with oaks) would be variously spelt 
Ackley, Ockley, and Ickley, as we have seen them spelt Hockley and 
even Ogley. I have seen Erdington commenced with every vowel in 
the language, not excepting Yerdington, Urdington, and Irdington. The 
last syllable, nield or neld, is, doubtless, a corruption of vield or veld, 
that is field. This corruption would arise naturally. V and u were 
formerly the same letter, and when u was used, and the caligraphy 
indistinct, by not being sufficiently rounded, it was then, as now, 
frequently taken for the letter n. If this was so, which seems most 
likely, the original spelling would be Ack-veld Strete. Oak-feld Strete, 



172 

i.e., the street or straight road through the felled oaks. Veld and 
feld are, or were, synonymous, as v and f, being labials, are inter- 
changeable. " Letters most closely allied in phonetics are most frequently 
interchanged in grammar." — Professor Latham. If the reports of Galen 
and Dion Cassius be correct as to the Eomans losing 50,000 men in 
a few years in clearing and cutting passages through the woods and 
moors for the Eoman ways, the road would, as the name implies, be 
literally through the felled acks, icks, or oaks = Ickveld Strete. The 
names given by the Saxons to the other Eoman ways — the Watling 
and Herming Streets (in the Fosse the Latin name is a modern one), 
are, as before stated, so thoroughly expressive of their features and 
routes that it is natural to expect, and look for the same expressive- 
ness when designating the Icknield Street. Watling Street and Herming 
Street passed through meadows, but Icknield Street, on the contrary, 
was almost entirely through forests, high woods, and timbered lands. 
It commenced at Southampton, in the forest of Hants. The Ardens, 
or high woods, extended from High Cross, their boundary eastwards, 
to Eardington (iErdenton), near Bridgenorth, in the west ; so that this 
Icknield Street actually bisected it in the centre, and ran through it 
from south to north. In mid Derbyshire, Yorkshire, and Durham, a 
precisely similar tract of woody country was passed through by this 
road to its termination at Tynemouth. I take it that the foregoing 
should be deemed, if looked upon impartially, not a fanciful derivation, 
but a faithful description of legitimate letter changes. 

DlGBETH (BlKMINGHAM). 

Since writing my observations on the foregoing place name (and 
deriving it from Saxon dican=to dig, die, and boeth = a bath, i.e., a 
bath dug up or destroyed by the Saxons at or near a Eoman villa), 
there has been a pretty little prattle as to its beinff from ditch or 



173 

dike path. The subject was well ventilated, a one-sided case submitted 
to a Professor, who was without local knowledge, a genuine old spelling 
of the word (Digbath) raked up, and the matter settled satisfactorily to 
all parties, i.e., as Dikepath. This is not the way to determine local 
etymology ! G in dig, and c or k in dike, are legitimately inter- 
changeable, and b in bath and p in path being both labials, are also 
properly convertible, i.e., if necessiry ; but, in derivation, the proper 
way is to see first what can be made of the present spelling. The 
present spelling in this case is the pure old Saxon Digboeth, which 
expresses my derivation exactly. The name bespeaks the whole history 
of the place. It wants but " sounding upon the tongue," as Shakespeare 
says. With such a word derivation is a farce, a burlesque. It is as 
certain as that Bromwich was the wic in the broom, and Smethwick 
the wick of the smiths. In the event of nothing serviceable appearing 
in the present spelling of a place name, the maxim is, according to Max 
Midler and others, to go back to the old spelling. The last contributor 
to this controversy has done so, and produced for me, from a trustworthy 
document several centuries old, the oldest written name "Digbath," 
which is quite near enough to dug-bath. Besides all this, the term 
dike-path is absurd. Who, unless he was " tight," would think of 
walking up a ditch, unless, like himself, it was always " dry ; " but this 
ditch was never dry until filled up altogether, when it ceased to be a 
ditch. Again, this old moat is said to have been circular, so that a 
path upon its dam would simply lead to the point one started from. 
Moreover, had the moat been a right angled parallelogram, with a 
path upon one of the dams, it would have been called Dampath, 
Bankpath, anything but " Ditchpath." The ventilation of this subject 
has produced other evidence in support of my derivation being the 
correct one, for through it another Digbeth has turned up at North- 
field, which is on the old Roman road to Droitwitch and Worcester, 



174 

and about the same distance from the Harborne Selly Wick station. 
There cannot, I think, be a doubt as to a Roman bath and villa 
having been at Digbeth. It is just the kind of site that the Romans 
always selected. Virtruvius (the best authority) recommends their being 
located so as to escape the north winds, i.e., at the foot of or on the 
declivity of a hill, and to have a southern aspect, and, as in Digbeth, 
all the baths of Rome were thus situated. The Roman bath in Bath, 
Somerset, is so situated. The immediate locality of Digbeth is precisely 
similar to the city of Bath, for, say the Encyclopaedists, " the city is 
surrounded with hills on all sides, except a little opening to the east 
and west, through which the Avon runs." If we substitute the Rea 
for the Avon, and Camp Hill, Spark Hill, Snow Hill, and Constitution 
Hill for the hills about Bath, the comparison is complete. The Walsall 
Digbeth is also at the foot of a hill, and has a south aspect. The 
baths at Wroxeter and Witcomb Park were found covered with debris, 
the work, no doubt, of the provincial Britons, for joy or spite on the 
departure of the Romans. It has been stated that in "the year 1755, 
the abbey house or priory, belonging to the Duke of Kingston (in 
Bath), was taken down, in order to erect a more commodious building ; 
and in digging for the foundation the workmen discovered, about 20 
feet below the surface, the remains of Roman baths." If this digging 
had occurred in about A.D. 800, and to the extent of digging up and 
destroying the bath, the immediate locality, and perhaps the whole 
city, would have now been called Dugbath. One of the Roman baths 
of that city must have been visible when the Saxons came, and so 
the name has continued. Digbeth, as previously hinted, was doubtless 
what Whitaker would have called one of the winter camps, but which 
in reality were nothing more than the retreats the luxurious generals 
indulged in when the Britons were thoroughly subdued. I should say 
that the bath in Birmingham and Roman villa were most likely 



175 

destroyed by excavating the north side of the old moat, but the date 
is so remote, and discoveries of the kind were so common then, that 
nothing has come down to us but the name, which could not possibly 
have been more apropos. As in the cases of Wrexham = wrecked home, 
Wroxh all = wrecked hall, Wroxeter=wrecked city, and likewise in the 
case of Dugbath, so impressive is our Anglo-Saxon tongue, that the 
very names are condensed histories of the places. 

Birmingham. 

This place possesses but few features of antiquarian interest ex- 
cepting those already noted. The nearest part of the Icknield Street 
passed about one mile west of the oldest part of the town, and the 
Harborne Selly Wick station was about two miles distant. Digbeth 
and Deritend are the oldest parts of it. The Priory was founded about 
A.D. 1200, and has been, together with the old church, Deritend 
Church (built in 1381), and the old moated hall (but recently removed 
as it were), entirely overlooked and ignored by those who would 
ascribe a mushroom origin to the place. The moated residence would 
possess a chapel, and when this and the church accommodation at the 
Priory became insufficient for the inhabitants, the old church of St. 
Martin's would be erected somewhere between A.D. 1250 and 1350. 
Dale End was so called from its being a hollow way (now filled in), 
and forming the approach to Birmingham from Lichfield and Tam- 
worth, on the direct route to Worcester and Gloucester ; the old 
Icknield Street having been discontinued as a through road when 
Sutton and the beautiful piece of straight Roman road in its park, 
was, as part of Cannock Chase, granted to the " church " of Lichfield 
in early Anglo-Saxon days. The road from Lichfield to Birmingham, 
&c, was then diverted from the Icknield, via Oscot and Oldford, at 
Perry Barr, and turned through Shenstone to join the Tamworth road 



176 

at Sutton. Moor Street (formerly Mole Street), so called from its being 
a deep hollow way, as though bored by a mole, the soil and subsoil 
being sandy, it wore very much. Another entrance to the town, Hol- 
loway Head, was so named for a similar reason. I think the old 
crown house (that is no part of the present erection) is so old as has 
been stated. About the commencement of Elizabeth's reign would be 
the very earliest date, I should say. The other two half-timbered 
houses in Deritend and Digbeth ought to be secured, and repaired 
and strengthened, to prevent "restoration" by the Goths. 

Deritend (Birmingham). 

I gave the etymology of this place name some time ago in the 
Birmingham Weekly Post, under the head of " Local Notes and Queries," 
in opposition to Mr. Toulmin Smith's derivation of the word from 
Deer Gate. Soon after this a writer (Miss Smith, I believe) took up 
the subject in London " Notes and Queries," supporting the arguments 
of her father. My interpretation of the place name was the following, 
viz. : The real etymon of this word is the watery end, or watery 
entrance, i.e., the side of the town having water at the end of it as 
you leave and approach it, and is in contra-distinction to another end 
of the town called Dale End. The first syllable is the Celtic dur= 
water, and gate = an entrance (ad portam). It is spelt durgate-end, in 
1381, in the charter Mr. Smith was editing. When a defile or ravine 
is the easiest or most natural entrance to a place, it is, speaking 
generally and geographically, the gate ; so, likewise, is a strait, as the 
narrow passage between Denmark and Sweden, called Cat-gat, or War- 
fate, through which the Goths, Scandinavians, and northern Teutons 
of old issued forth from the Baltic. A ford, too, when, as in this 
case, it holds the key to a place is a gate. It is impossible for 
Deritend to be derived from deer gate end. The charter Mr. Smith 



177 

was editing is dated AD. 1381, exactly five hundred years ago. 
Deritend, however, was known by that name — Dur-gate-end — anterior 
to this, when all deer, without exception, were perfectly wild, and 
roamed at will throughout the whole country, though, of course, they 
naturally, as in Scotland and other countries now, kept to certain 
districts, excepting perhaps a few in rutting season and very severe 
winters. They were never then pent up in parks. There was, about 
A.D. 1500, a small paddock, parrock, or " park," as they were some- 
times called ironically, between the sites of the present Park Street 
and Park Lane. It was the pales of this " park " against which T expect 
my old friend ran his head. It appears from some document, I forget 
which, that this parrock was attached to the parsonage which stood 
there at that date. 

Since my note upon this subject, I ha\e met with further and 
conclusive evidence as to my renderino- of the word Dur-erate-end — 
Water gate end. London had several entrances or gates. Aldgate, 
from ald=old ; Ludgate=the people's gate, because it led out from 
Winchester, the late metropolis, and was the most frequented or popular 
gate; Bishopsgate, leading to his "-Grace's" palace; Cripplegate, leading 
to the spittall or hospitall ; Moorgate = the entrance from the moor ; 
Billingsgate ==bowl-shaped meadow gate ; and dur (now dow)= water 
gate — Dowgate, because it was on the Thames where there was a tra- 
jectus, or ferry, to join it to the Watling Street, and so on to Dover. 
Heme's edition of Leland's Collection, 1774, octavo, vol. i., pp. 58, 59, 
Chronicles of London Bridge, 1827, and Encyclopaedia Britannica, speak 
of this trajectus, and of the Thames having been fordable there in 
the time of the Komans ; and it would be so now of course at low 
water but for the mud in the bed of the river. The place name 
Derby had a precisely similar origin — Dur = water, and by a vill, 
or village, the ville on the water ; so also had Durham, Dursley, 

N 



178 

Dorchester (on Froome river), Dorset, and Dorchester, Oxon, and scores 
of other places of less note. In this we see that the pronunciation 
of the " commonalty " (as in many other instances) is more correct 
than that of the finical " aristocrats." The one has Durby, which is 
correct, and the other Darby, which is very " loo." 

Balsall Heath. 

The etymology of this place name is hard to determine. I know 
of no portion of it lying in a hollow, or that is boll fashioned, like 
(Temple) Balsall, but then it was a heath to be traversed on the 
route to and from Temple Balsall, from Warley Abbey, Birmingham 
Priory, and to the " Religious House " at Knowle. I have just heard 
of a deed of tern. Hen. VIII. , having a Bordsley Hall mentioned in 
it. It may be a corruption of that word. 

Hands wokth. 

This place would, originally, be the worth or estate of one Hands, 
which, I believe, is proved by the evidence of some early charters. 
The name Hondys (or Hands) in the Chattock charters would give 
this name. 

Hockley. 

This place name would come from ack=oak, and leah=a meadow, 
originally Oakley. 

Aston. 

Somner could not well fail in supplying Dugdale with the correct 
derivation of this place name, it is such a very common one. All 
Astons (and there must be at least a hundred throughout the country) 
are in old charters spelt iEston=east tun, i.e., as the name plainly 
bespeaks a tun or homestead situated to the east of some other 
habitation ; but this Aston was not as Dugdale conjectures, so named 



170 

because it lay east of the baronial castle of Dudley, but either a much 
older and moated residence in the leali or meadows of Dudley, and 
erected by the Dud or Duda previously mentioned, or some other 
eastern tun or homestead. Oldbury Hall lies more due west, indeed 
precisely so, and is but about half the distance away from it. 
Smethwick Hall and Blackley Hall, near Oldbury, are also west of 
Aston, much nearer than Dudley, and more likely to have been the 
cause of the name. 

Aston old hall was upon a moat in the meadows, about two 
hundred yards north of the church, and near the South Staffordshire 
Bail way. A portion of one side of the moat is still to be seen, but 
the railway company obliterated the site very much when excavating 
for ballast. The site of Aston old hall is so much defaced now as to 
prevent a correct idea being formed as to its former appearance. 
The date of its erection would certainly be about the same time as 
the other old moated halls, ie., they would all be erected one after 
the other, between the first and last invasion of the Danes, and for 
the same purposes ; concealing of goods and persons, and as better 
standpoints at which to contend with the invaders when they came to 
close quarters. 

The church would be erected about the same time as that at 
Birmingham ; in fact, most of our oldest parish or district churches 
would be built much about the same time, and for similar reasons, 
viz. : The largest moated residences erected as safeguards on the 
approach of the Danes, and the barons' castles and halls built on the 
establishment of the feudal system would all contain chapels. As these 
became dilapidated, or their accommodation became insufficient for the 
growing population around them, instead of rebuilding or enlarging 
them, parish or district churches were erected in each case, and 
sufficiently near to the castle or hall for the great one, and capacious 



180 

enough for the population. Afterwards chapels of ease arose much in 
the same way. Many moated residences were formerly standing in 
this extensive parish, and I have alluded to most of them. There 
must have been a very old hall at or near Salford Bridge. The 
Norman-French name indicates this : Salle=a hall, and ford at the 
ford. As this name was evidently given about the time of the 
Conquest (or at least before the Anglo-Saxon or old English had 
vanquished in its contest for supremacy with the Norman-French), it 
shows that there was not a bridge, but a ford here at that time, or 
the name would have been Salbridge. The Tame would have to be 
crossed here on the direct route between the exceedingly old places, 
Tamworth and Worcester, when the Icknield Street was diverted. The 
hall was on the west side of Salford Bridge, and the house there 
called Copeley House, and I think I can see some remains of a dry 
moat in the meadows. The Tame would probably form one side of 
and supply the whole of the moat, as at Erdington Hall. These old 
moated homes appear to have been as thick on the ground hereabouts 
as " Hinckley weavers," i.e., on the south-west side of the Watling 
Street, the boundary line of the Danes at one time. Verily, the Danes 
were a savage set, as Dibdin sang. The roads at the foot of Gravelly 
Hill, and the end of Slade Road, or Lane, as it is called, and for 
some distance towards Birmingham, were all raised when the canals 
were made near here. This is apparent, as the water coming down 
the natural fall of Slade Road, now runs under the canal in a large 
brick drain. 

This ford reminds me of 

Wallingford. 

Since making my observations on this place, when writing upon 
the Roman encampment at Old-ford, Perry Bar, I find, by a chance 



181 

peep into the National Cyclopaedia, under the head " Berks," that the 
ford there was also fortified, as I conjectured. The words are, " There 
is a Koman vallum around Wallingford at the south-west angle — it 
is very entire." This description is precisely similar to the encampment 
at Oldford, the west side (the one opposite Wales) is the strongest 
there. I mention this because the whole of this work has been written 
and copied without having a single work before me, not even the 
Latin or Anglo-Saxon dictionary. 

Saltley. 

As I have stated, this place took its name from a spring, similar 
to, or perhaps the one, mentioned by Hutton as near Duddeston. 
Saltley Hall (the old one) was in Adderley Park, close to the road leading 
from the Training College to Lawley Street. Some twelve years ago 
fully one half of the dry moat was visible, but a year ago, when I 
passed the spot, I found that the Goths had nearly filled it in with 
" rubbish." I have the charters and deeds of the old families of 
Ward and Jenkins (the latter late of Saltley Hall), which I hope to 
edit shortly. 



CHAPTER V. 
Secondary Roman Roads and Stations, &c. 

" Or embassies from regions far remote, 
In various habits, on the Appian road, 
Or on the Emilian .... 
From Gallia, Gades, and the British West." — MlLTON. 

I should like now to draw attention to what I have called 
secondary Roman ways — that is, ancient British trackways, furbished up 
by straightening and widening, and utilized for secondary purposes in 
connection with some one or more of the five great military ways. 
The novel term of first, second, and third parallels I have applied (for 
purposes of illustration) to the Fosse and the other main roads as 
used by the Romans on their north-western advance from Kent to 
Anglesea for the subjugation of the country. As something, I take it, 
may be gained by so doing, we will carry out the simile by treating 
now of what military engineers would call the approaches from parallel 
to parallel. As the country between each parallel was thoroughly held 
in subjection by the Romans as they advanced, these approaches from 
one parallel to another would not be requisite at frequent intervals, 
of course. At places, however, where there were junctions of main 
roads, or where a station at a junction of roads in one parallel was 
opposite to a station in another, I perceive that they were sometimes 
made. Watling Street, from High Cross in the Fosse to Wall in the 
Icknield Street, constituted one line of advance. This piece of road, 
though constructed with the other portion of Watling Street, for general 
purposes, and not for this, would serve as such, and as an outlet 
for war materials from Wednesbury and Oldbury, through Wall to 
High Cross, and so on through Leicester to the north-east. 



183 

As such an advance line was not required from out the Fosse at 
Leicester to the Icknield Street, at, say, Burton-on-Trent opposite, there 
are no appearances of one. The Harborne Selly Wick station being 
at the junction of the three roads from the equi distant stations of 
Droitwich, Alcester, and Wall, did require and possess one, as is 
evident from the following scheme. By reference to a map of Warwick- 
shire (even Crutchley's little sixpenny railway map will do), it will be 
seen that the perfectly straight piece of road from the south-west 
corner of Shirley Heath to Monkspath Bridge is called Monkspath Street, 
not from the Latin stratus, but the Saxon strete, as the Saxons named 
it. Then, as I have stated, there must have been a Roman villa at 
Wroxall, from its name, and by continuing the line through or by 
there to Warwick = the war-station, straight to the Fosse in the district 
of Chesterton, where it will be seen there are the " Eoman camp " 
marked on one side that military way, the " High Down camp," 
immediately opposite, and Harbury (here = an army, and burg = a fort) 
near. Now, by placing a thread or edge of a scale upon the centre 
of this little district of military names (Chesterton, Roman Camp, 
High-down Camp, and Harbury), and upon the straight piece of road 
called Monkspath Street also, it will be seen that, if continued, it 
would lead direct to the spot I have indicated as the Harborne-Selly- 
Wick station. The road called Shirley Street (shire leah, as Bordesley 
and Yardley=girdley), into the lower part of Birmingham, was a Saxon 
road constructed after the Roman occupation, when the old moated 
residence in Birmingham, and Digbeth, and Deritend came into note, 
for it runs directly thitherwards. Previous to that, Monkspath Street, 
from the south-west corner of Shirley Heath, would run in a straight 
line to the Harborne Selly Wick station. 

It was this exceedingly straight piece of road, and the remarkably 
expressive name of Warwick, that induced me to think of and con- 
sider this. 



184 

Warwick is from waer=war, and wic=a station ; and such it 
must have had every appearance of being when the Saxons first saw 
it, for, as I have emphatically stated, the Eomans neither left " linger 
posts " upon the roads nor sign boards upon buildings or stations, and 
if they had, the Britons could not have read and transmitted such 
names to the Saxons when they came. The Saxons themselves were 
without letters until their conversion to Christianity. Again, if they 
ever caught the correct pronunciation of them, they would fail in 
handing them down by tradition from A.D. 409, when the Eomans 
left, to 582, when Crida lirst appeared in Warwickshire. 

This is why the vast majority, fully ninety-three per cent., of the 
place names of the country are of Saxon derivation. Most of the other 
seven per cent, are Celtic names, for which the Saxons had an equiva- 
lent, such as Celtic Catherton and Saxon Chaderton, so that such place 
names were understood by the Saxons. It was the bend in the river 
at Warwick, and similarly situated wics, that induced Camden, Dugdale, 
and such-like authorities, to jump to the conclusion that such bends 
were one origin of the name wic. Just as though all rivers did not 
consist of a continuous series of bends ! Droitwich and Nantwich, and 
similar places, having had salt springs or houses, and Harwich being 
in a bay, is also the reason why the wic has been perverted into a 
salt house in one case, and a bay of the sea in another. The utility 
of such an advance, or loop line, from Chesterton on the Fosse to 
the junction of the three roads at the Harborne-Selly Wick station is 
at once apparent by a glance at the map. Warwick was a superb 
place for a station, or, rather, advanced post. Camden calls it the 
presidium of the Romans, where the Dalmatian horse were posted. 
Now such ideas as these are preposterous. It is five miles from the 
nearest main road — the Fosse, so that the Eomans would be sure not 
to select it for such a purpose. It was evidently a station or post 



185 

upon this advance or tie line from Chesterton and " Eoman Camp " 
to the Harborne-Selly Wick station. There is also an encampment, 
with good Fosse, near this route, and equi-distant from Warwick and 
Selly Wick, and on the north-east side of this route there is a camp 
and camp house between Eowington and Kenilworth, and on the south- 
west side of it another camp hill, between Ullenhall and Eowington, 
and several others on either side of it in and about Lapworth, 
Packwood, and Knowle. This district of Chesterton, Eoman Camp, &c, 
is exactly fifteen miles (the average distance of Eoman stations from 
each other) from Stretton on Fosse, near Shipston, and there is a 
Stretton upon Dunsmore (on the Fosse), which is equi-distant between 
Chesterton and Hio;h Cross. 

There is another tolerably straight piece of road on this route 
besides Monkspath Street, viz. : from Chesterton, through " Eoman " Camp, 
crossing the Fosse, through Tachbrook, Mallory, and Heathcote, to 
Warwick. Wedgnock Park (which was made by Fulke Greville), and 
the early Saxon cultivation between there and Selly Wick, would 
account for the thorough defacement of the rest, though, of course, 
when constructed or altered from a British track to a secondary 
Eoman way, it would neither be so straight, wide, nor convex in the 
centre of its surface as the main roads. The Eoman name of this 
secondary road is of course lost. That portion of it now called 
Monkspath Street would naturally take its name on account of the 
great passing to and fro between Hales Owen and Warley Abbeys, 
Birmingham Priory, Wroxall Abbey, and the Priory at Warwick. 
Other houses, also, were but just off this route — Knowle, Temple 
Balsall, and Stonley Abbey. It is probable that towards the end of 
the four hundred years' occupation of this country by the Eomans they 
may have touched up a British track from about Brinklow on the 
Fosse, through Coventry, Birmingham, to Wednesbury, and also one 
from about Eathmton, through Stratford-on-Avon, to Alcester. 



186 

I will now call attention to some roads that have occasionally 
been looked upon as secondary Roman ways, because some of them 
go by the name of streets. This I do after a thorough examination 
of them, and practical experience as a surveyor of hundreds of miles 
of highways. And, first, as to Balsall Street. A great hallucination 
prevails respecting this. It is a new road, and made as a diversion 
and straighter cut from Stonebridge to Kenilworth, and being made 
over a common, they could and did avail themselves of the opportunity 
of taking a direct route in this diversion, and making the road a 
straight one. This could not be done when roads were made through 
early cultivated lands. Then they had to be made zig-zag fashion, 
according to the difficulty or otherwise of purchasing land for the 
purpose. The straight roads over Hodge Hill Common, Copt Heath, 
and numerous other wastes, are proofs as to this. 

The old road from Kenilworth to Berkswell and Meriden was by 
Barton's Green, Keves Green, and Coral Green. There could not possibly 
have been any, even a secondary, Roman road hereabouts, for it would, 
as I shall presently show, as to the so-called Chester Eoad, through 
Castle Bromwich, be what is vulgarly, but expressively, called " the 
road to (or, rather, from) nowhere." Balsall is older than the " Knights 
Templars." There was, as the name indicates, an old hall, or salle, 
in the bowl-fashioned, low-lying meadows there — boll = salle — Balsall. 
The old road from Stonebridge to Kenilworth and Balsall went through 
Bradnock's Marsh into the road leading from Barston to Kenilworth. 
The old Chester road received its very inapt name in this way. 

The first road from those old places, Warwick and Kenilworth, to 
Lichfield and Tamworth was first through Berkswell (the old route I 
have just pointed out) to Meriden, and through Coleshill to Fazeley 
(via Moxall), where the Watling Street is reached. This is the most 
direct route still. In after years, when traffic and communications became 



187 

more heavy and frequent from Lichfield, through Erdington and 
Birmingham, to Worcester, &c, the road from Stonebridge over Coleshill 
Heath (as I shall presently show), was cut or improved, and continued 
to Castle Bromwich, and on into the Birmingham and Lichfield road 
at Erdington, and another road from there (by the old Bell and 
Cuckoo), down Welshman's Hill, through Stonnall, and into the Watling 
Street, by Knave's Castle, and so on through Cannock to Chester. 
The Coventry and London traffic came this way too. This was when 
Chester engrossed all the traffic to Ireland, now passing through 
Liverpool and Holyhead, so that the road about Welshman's Hill ought 
to be called the new road to old Chester instead of the old Chester 
road. That it was a British track before has nothing to do with it. 
It is well known that the early traffic of Birmingham for Chester was 
put on this road at Castle Bromwich. These new roads over Balsall 
Common and Barr Common were, as I say, made straight because 
they were made over common land. The size of the quicksets in the 
hedges show the age of roads generally. Bradnock's Marsh, near Balsall 
Common is from Broad Oak. There are several similar names, one 
near Newnhain, Gloucestershire. The Eidgway seems to have been 
nothing more than a very early road from Evesham, through Redditch 
and Avechurch, towards the district of Birmingham. There were several 
large and old religious houses, as they were called, at either end, 
upon and contiguous to this route, viz., Evesham, Pershore, Bordesley 
(near Avechurch), perhaps something of the kind at Abbots Salford, 
Cleve Prior, and Abbots Morton, Hales Owen, and Warley Abbeys, and 
Birmingham Priory. These would create some dust upon a route, and 
surely some of the gentry who traversed it from "house" to "house," 
must by some " potent sway of nature," as Milton has it, have 
retained sufficient of the classics to dub it the Ridge way. This is not 
an old English name, as Strete from the Saxon direct. The names 



188 

Eidgeway and Portway were evidently given by an Italian monk. The 
" via " bespeaks it. I cannot bring myself to look upon the Eidgeway 
in any other light than I have described it, as it is parallel with and 
so very near to Icknield Street. 

When the Romans were driving the Britons before them into 
Wales, by the time the midlands were reached, the retreating Britons 
and Welsh (as we now call them), would be certain to get into 
communication witli each other, and joint efforts made occasionally 
in a good stand against the invaders, but instinct would teach the 
Welsh the desirability of advancing to meet the Eomans and keep the 
devastating invaders out of their own country altogether, if they could, 
or at least as long as possible. Moltke would have acted thus with 
the French, but he was necessitated to allow them to pass the border 
sufficiently far to brand them as aggressors and invaders. 

How far would the Welsh go to meet them and assist the 
retreating Britons ? If they crossed the Severn when the Eomans had 
reached Warwickshire, they would meet somewhere about the Clent 
and Lickey Hills, which run, with some few breaks, from Dudley Castle 
Hills, by Brierley Hill, Bromsgrove Lickey Hills, by Eedditch and 
Eidgeway Hills, to Alcester. When pressed back from this range of 
hills and the Severn was re-crossed, there would still be the Malvern, 
Clee, Clent, and Shropshire Hills, including Wenlock Edge and Caer 
Caradoc upon which to make other stands before a final re-entry into 
Wales. And I wish it to be here noted that if the Welsh did not 
come out to meet the Eomans in this way, the retreating Britons 
would, nevertheless, make stands against the invaders in these districts, 
as I have stated, with or without the assistance of the Welsh. 

The numerous remains of tumuli, barrows, and place names indicative 
of the same, and now to be seen throughout the whole of this 
extensive district, is conclusive evidence as to these conflicts ; they are, 



189 

as I have elsewhere emphatically asserted, so indelibly indented or 
imprinted upon the face of our country, that even the most incredulous 
have but to commence with the rudiments of our lano;ua2;e, the Ansdo- 
Saxon and old English, and they can at once lisp their names. Take 
a few : Cantlow, N.&])\ebarrow, Iiikbarrow, H\\\bo(a)rrow, Path/ow, Old? 
bo(a)rrow, Hullow, Grimsley, Camps about Kinfare, at Warsliill, between 
Kinfare and Kidderminster (kid in Kidderminster is from cad, chad= 
battle), Chatwell, County Stafford; Chetwind, Salop; Barrow, near 
Broseley ; Chetton, Caihevlow, the well-known encampments upon and 
about Malvern Hills; LucUow = (the peoples low or tumulus), Camp, near 
Eoden, Salop ; OXdbury on Severn, Wofa)rCield, Remains at Stone and 
Leek, the Walls, near Chesterton, Salop ; Sidbury, Loughton, Wrightwick, 
near Tettenhall ; the Camp, near the Wrefcen; Camham Camp, Catsley, 
SlidesZow. There is a Wichbury Hill and trenches near Hagley (and 
singularly enough a Pedimore Hall, similar to the Curdsworth one as 
to situation). Wenlock Edge entrenchments, the Wych or Wic, Colwell, 
near Malvern, camp at Caer Caradoc, Mxmslow, Battlefield, and Grimsfield, 
north of Shrewsbury ; Bury Ring, Bury Banks, Pep/ow, Be(a)rroiv Hill, 
Bury Wells, The Ditches, Wolferlow, Wall Hill Camp, Booklow. For 
these and many more see Ordnance Map, large scale. The Clent ■ and 
Lickey Hills are a continuation of each other, and appear to commence 
near the Stour, which may be the meaning of "ey" = water in the 
place name Lickey. The first syllable Lick, like the same element in 
Lichfield, is evidently from lech — a corpse, and like that place name, 
also indicates a famous battle ground. Every one of these place names, 
without exception, were given by the Saxons. 

There is not the slightest element of any other tongue in one of 
them, but the Celtic cath in one Catherlow, but for this the Saxons 
had its equivalent cad or chad. The Saxons were the first people 
capable of writing who saw these remains after the Romans left. 



100 

From the then appearance of them, the nature of these remains would 
be much more evident than now. This dictrict appears to have been 
the theatre of more contests than the whole of Wales together, showing 
that when the resisting British and Welsh were driven into Wales 
they were thoroughly subdued, and that keeping them in subjection 
became comparatively an easy task when the forts were erected at 
Manchester, Chester, Wrexham, Wroxeter, Oldbury on Severn near 
Bridgenorth, Malvern Hills, Gloucester, Lydney, Oldbury near Chepstow, 
and Caerleon. The same may be said of the more southern part of 
the Welsh border, viz. : South Worcestershire and Gloucestershire, 
particularly about Breedon Hills, Leckhampton, (the Leek, in this 
name, bespeaks it). The edge of the Cotswolds, overlooking the vale of 
Gloucester, is literally strewed with camps and entrenchments, especially 
about Birdlip, Witcomb (where there is a Eoman villa), Cranham 
Woods, and on Painswick Common there is a perfect camp capable 
of holding ten thousand men. This overlooks the vale and city of 
Gloucester, and has a commanding view of the Welsh hills opposite. 
The number of coins found hereabouts is prodigious I understand, and 
I have heard that some of them were Hebrew. These facts I ascer- 
tained personally from a road man who was ruthlessly " getting " stone 
for the roads for his master, a farmer (surveyor), and defacing the 
Eoman remains there. He lived at the foot of the hill, and " if he's 
not dead, he's living there still," for he was evidently a fossil fixture. 
He informed me that he had sold some coins to a gentleman from 
London, who said that some were Jewish. If this is correct, which I 
have no cause to doubt, as I saw some genuine Eoman coins in his 
possession, and have since purchased one ; there may have been some 
early Hebrews here tapping these Cotswold Hills, as some of them, in 
company with the Phoenicians, had, doubtless, done on the Mendips, 
and in Devon and Cornwall, for tin, lead, and copper, &c. In 



191 

Cranliam Woods the brows of some of the hills are encircled by 
a long, low vallum, at least a mile in length, and running to the 
summit of the hill — or, rather, precipice — under which the Eoman villa 
stands on the border of Wit comb Park. 

Oldbury and Wednesbury, though so near together, had each its 
fort, as the names indicate ; but there is further proof that they were 
places of manufactory for iron, and of the importance of this great 
central district, including Smethwick and Wall also. Near Oldbury 
there was an outpost most uiimistakeably Eoman, that is, the Quinton. 
It is but about two miles from Smethwick and Oldbury. I have as 
little doubt that Crida and his men when they first saw Smethwick 
found it as they have described it — a smithy, as that the Eomans 
made the tesselated pavement I saw in the Eoman villa at Witcomb. 
I believe, too, that they also found the very anvil blocks, with the 
anvils upon them, and that the fortifications Hutton saw in his time 
were formerly to protect them. The remains of the Eoman villa and 
bath in Witcomb Park, Gloucestershire, are, I believe, described by 
Lysons. 

In Arclmeologia, vol. i., p. 304, we have — " The sport of Quintain 
was always where Eoman ways did run, or Eoman garrisons were 
placed." The site of the Dudley Castle Hills would be another, due 
west. This was a Eoman site centuries before it became a baronial 
one. There is a Dudley Port, and on the Ordnance Map an old road 
called " Portway," with a " Portway Hall " upon it, leading direct from 
Dudley, close to and between Smethwick and Quinton, on through 
Harborne and Metchley, to my station near or at Selly-Wick. It 
appears to have been diverted by the grounds of Warley Abbey, 
Light Woods, and Carless Woods. There is a straight piece through 
Harborne village, and then it seems diverted again before it reaches 
Selly Wick. There must have been a moated Saxon residence at 



192 

Dudley, in the meadows. The place name is from Dud or Duda, and 
leah = a meadow. There are several great men of this name mentioned 
in the charters of Kemble, in vol. i., p. 289, in A.D. 831, and also in 
the charters of Thorpe. Some sign Duda, dux = leader, Saxon=Teoche, 
Dudaston, close to Birmingham, would take its name in the same way. 
Building baronial castles upon elevated sites commenced at the Conquest, 
and became general about Stephen's times of war, and ceased on the 
invention of cannon. 

The brook mentioned in the syllable bourne, of Harborne, would be 
that portion of the stream where the Ieknield Street crossed, close 
to Selly Wick and Selly Hill. The crossing the brook would be so 
near the Roman station, that the stabling might actually be upon its 
banks. The stabling would be paved, so that when the Saxons came, 
remains of them might still be there, which is why it was called the 
arm}^-brook = Hereborne. There are some squared red sandstone in the 
foundations of Harborne old mill, I see. The most precious spots here- 
abouts would, with the Eomans, be Oldbury, Wednesbury, and Smethwick. 
They are protected by a perfect cordon of forts, viz. : Quintain, Camp 
at Eowley Eegis, Dudley Hills, Walsall Hill, Bloxwich Hill, Castle Old 
Fort, Knave's Castle, Barr Beacon, &c, &c. 

Sheldon. 

The first syllable of this place name is inexplicable. The don 
means a hill, of course, and part of this hamlet is higher than most 
places any where near. The hall has been a fine old building ; first 
erected about tern. Henry VIII. , though, doubtless, there was a previous 
erection upon the island of its moat ; as at Kingshurst, and all the 
other moated places, none of which are of later date than the last 
incursions of the Danes. It was the property of the Devereux family ; 
and their lands in Castle Bromwich, which were but inconsiderable, were 



193 

held from here before Bromwich Hall was erected. Though upon a 
somewhat elevated site, the hall had a moat, which was supplied from 
the springs of the still higher land in the rear. Elevated as is the 
site of Sheldon Hall as a moated residence, it is not so high as the 
house, with a moat now dry, close to Meriden church before alluded 
to. This house now or recently was occupied with land, as it is 
called the Moat House Farm. As the parsonage here is comparatively 
modern, I think this old moated house, so close to the church, must 
have been the rectory once, though moated, and that this, and similar 
cases, gave rise to the term " moated parsonages," respecting which so 
much has been written lately. When parsonages became dilapidated, and 
the means to rebuild and repair them were not forthcoming, the priest 
or parson would be sure to take the next best house in the place, which 
would certainly be the most comely grange, or, even, perhaps, the 
squire's moated hall, if he and his family had also become " dilapidated," 
or removed to a distance. This reminds me of an anecdote (a true one) 
I heard the other day. A neighbour, a farmer, who employs Irish 
labourers every summer, said to a fresh man, " Well, my man, how do 
you like England ; and what do you think of it ? " " Sure, sir," said the 
man, "I think very little of it!" "Very little of it!" was the utterance 
of astonishment the farmer gave way to as he further asked, " Why ? " 
"Why, because it's very much like Ireland." "Like Ireland!" exclaimed 
the farmer with rage, and added, " in what way, pray ? " " Because," 
said Pat, " first there is country, then town, then village, and in the 
village is the church, and next to the church is the parson's house, 
which is always the best in the place ; so that it is just like Ireland, 
sir, an' plaize yer homier." 

In Sheldon hamlet there is a small district called Tile Cross, so 
named from the fact of a stone cross once standing at the junction of 
four roads there, and when the cross was found to be perishing, it 
was enclosed and tiled to protect it from the weather. 



194 

Grimstock Hill, neae Coleshill. 

This is a circular liill standing on the right of, and close to the 
road leading from Coleshill to Tamworth and Lichfield. Dugdale men- 
tions the fact of a Eoman coin having been found on ploughing about 
it. The name grim denotes war, and stock denotes that it was 
afterwards covered with timber, since grubbed or stocked up. The road 
by the side of it, at least for a mile, is very straight, wide, and Eoman 
in appearance. The hill appears to be a natural mound, once levelled 
at the top and utilised as a temporary fort when the Eomans were pushing 
the Watling Street through the country. When the field in which it is 
situated is fallow, I should think the owner and occupier would consent 
to its being tapped at the expense of some archaeological society. If 
nothing came of it, it would be of more service than injury, as the 
operation would amount to a " double digging," or subsoiling, which is 
always considered beneficial. 

DOSTHILL, NEAR TAMWORTH. 

This little circular hill is very similar to Grimstock Hill, and it 
is near the Watling Street, and on a road to it from Catshill and 
Wigingshill (the names of each indicating war and strife), and it 
corresponds with Brinklow in appearance and proximity to the Watling 
Street. All these places, and numerous others, with similar etymons and 
sites, were so named by the Saxons, who well understood the uses to 
which they had been put (by the appearance of them) when first seen. 
Eoman coins have been found at Wigingshall, or rather Wishaw, the 
parish in which it is situated. These are in the possession of Mr. S. F. 
Palmer. Hamper states that Camp Hill, near Birmingham, was so called 
very early, and there is a camp near Bowen's Pool in Sutton Park, 
close to Icknield Street. Wawen, in Wooten Wawen, indicates some- 
thing of the kind, and I think I have read accounts of entrenchments in 
the woods there. Old barrow and Maple barrow are near to that place. 



195 

Hams Hall. 

This is now fmically called Hams, but it is a misnomer. It is not 
from Saxon ham = a home, but holm, the primary meaning of which 
is land lying so low that it is almost submerged. 

There is a little district of small meadows in Water Orton (and 
until recently, if not now, belonging to this estate) called Water Orton 
Holms, and is so called in reference book to parish plan. The flat 
holms in the Bristol Channel received its name for the same reasons. 

Berks well 

Js from Saxon birce, birch, and the well ; birch trees formerly sur- 
rounded this well when they abounded in the district. They are 
indigenous to the soil, but were long ago superseded when oak and 
larger timber came into cultivation for naval and other purposes. 

Erdington 

Is so called from its being in the great forest of Arden, but I can- 
not quite agree with either Camden, Baxter, or Whitaker, as to the 
origin of the name of Arden. It has never been applied to the plains 
of Warwickshire, as the latter intimates. It embraced an extensive 
district, the greater part of which, perhaps eighty per cent., was high 
lying woody lands, with a slight admixture of plateau upon some of 
its summits, and a few meadows in the valley of the Tame, and of 
the Cole, &c. We have the " forest of " and " forester " of Erdington 
in some of the earliest of the foregoing charters. Caesar, in his Bell : 
Gall : vol. vi. calls the French Ardennes, Ardnenna Sylva. The English 
one is a precisely similar district, a hilly, wooded region. To me the 
derivation is the most simple imaginable, and the present spelling correct. 
Ard=high, and en = a district. The fact of both the French and English 
Ardens being woody, and continuing so, is simply owing to what is taking 
place daily. Hilly land is always some of the last to be brought out for 



19G 

cultivation, and the timber stands. It is singular that the soil and timber 
of both the French and English Aniens should be so similar. Erdington 
is one of those kind of place names liable to great variations in 
spelling. Yenton is the common vulgar pronunciation used even now 
by some of the elderly people. Hardington is the corrupt spelling in 
Domesday, and led Dugdale and others to conclude that it was from 
some personal name. 

The oldest known spelling is in Kemble's " Codex Diplomaticus 
^Evi Saxonica," charter 714, viz. : iErdintun=the tun or homestead in 
Arden, which, too, is strictly correct, for the i for e is simply a 
legitimate vowel change. The ing, for en or in, would naturally creep 
into the spelling, because Erdington Hall was built in the meadows on 
the river, secluded from sight, on account of the Danes. I have given 
the etymology of the Slade in Erdington in " Notes and Queries." It is, 
like all the other Slades throughout the country, from Saxon slidan= 
to Slide. Witton Slade is the same. All these Slades are like a huge 
potato camp, with one end higher than the other. They are without 
one square yard of level land upon their summits or sides or base. 
As the country folk well observe, they " slope all roads." 

Washwood Heath. 

Part of this place was unenclosed so late as eighty-three years 
ago ; and one hundred and fifty years ago it had, with Ward End, 
Hodge Hill, towards Little Heath, The Green and Wateley Green, 
Castle Bromwich, open fields. The celebrated Jack and Tom, and eight 
forgers, were hung in chains upon this Heath about the commence- 
ment of this century ; at least, just before it was enclosed. It takes 
its name from the fact of the lower part of it having been formerly 
covered with timber, and washed by the waters of the Eea, about 
Cranemore. I once, in some little local Guide, saw a Wad(wood)hayes 



197 

mentioned, as in this place ; it was towards Upper Saltley. The hamlet 
is styled Washwood and Saltley. This would be near Hay Barns 
(Tithing Barns) before mentioned. 

Yardley, 

or Girdley of the Saxon charters, is a perfect tongue-like strip of land 
protruding between the bulk of the counties of Warwick and Worcester, 
the end of it extending to the extremity of the Cole Hall estate, and 
the roots of it, as it were, from Acocks Green to Hay Mill. Yardley 
bears one of those exceedingly expressive place names I have alluded 
to, with a frequency and tenderness bordering upon triviality I fear. 
Reverence for our dear mother tongue is the only excuse I have to 
make, and a glance at the map will at once show that it is a valid 
one. I have neither gazetteer nor good map by me at this moment, 
but I recollect that there are other places called Yardley and Coleshill 
in the country besides the two I have mentioned, and I feel confident 
that all of them are similarly situated. This is a very interesting parish, 
and has several moated residences. Blackley Hall is either from black 
leah, or meadow, owing to a peaty soil about it, or from its being 
in a bleak meadow between two hills, which it is, and raked by the 
south-west winds. The tradition as to there having been a subterra- 
neous passage between it and the church must be erroneous, not 
only on account of the distance, but the subsoil is a shifting sand. 
I can imagine spacious cellars at the hall, and a charnel house at the 
church, but these would afford ample foundation for the lovers of the 
marvellous to construct their supposed subterraneous passage upon. 
Hay Hall in this parish was moated, and was, for many years, the 
seat of a very old family named East. Yardley parish was once prin- 
cipally held by another old family named Blount, or Blunt, for both 
of which see post. 



198 

MOSELEY. 

All places of this name are from moss, and leah, a meadow, which, on 
account of having northern aspects, or being much shaded, engender moss. 

King's Norton. 

This place was royal demesne, and received its name from being 
north of some other tun or homestead, or from its position relatively 
as regards Alcester=old caster, which also was of that tenure. Kings 
Heath, adjoining this place, for this reason received a similar name. 

Sutton Coldfield. 

Sutton, or Suth tun, was so called on account of its being south 
of Lichiield ; and in early Anglo-Saxon times it belonged to that see. 
It has always struck me that this place was selected for a moated 
stronghold wherein to stow away valuables from Lichfield cathedral and 
city on the approach of the Danes. This first suggested itself to my 
mind on reading (in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle I think it is) of the 
destruction and spoliation of Croyland abbey, and of a Dane having 
iiayed a Saxon, and nailing the skin upon the door of one of the 
eastern cathedrals or churches. 

Sutton Old Hall in the meadows, with high hanging woods upon 
the slopes and summits of the contiguous north and south hills, was 
just the locality for such a secret and secluded hiding place. New 
Hall in this parish was, I think, in the first instance nothing but one 
of those smaller moated homes built on the arrival of the Danes upon 
the coast, but that it was afterwards enlarged with materials taken 
from the ruins of Sutton Old Hall and then called New Hall. A very 
old family named Gibbon once resided here early, and Dr. Margoliouth 
informs me that it is a Jewish name. Another old family named Jesson 
once lived at Langley Hall in this parish. This, too, I think, is Jewish 
(from Jesse), and that both these families were from some early Hebrew 
Christians (see post). 



199 

There is a little place near Shustoke called Furness, or Furnace 
End. If this is not a modern name (like Aston Furnace, and the 
Forge at Bromford, Erdington, which Hutton erroneously supposed to 
be of Roman origin), it may have been where some Saxons worked 
ironstone at, if it is true, as Bartlett in his History of Mancetter 
states, that cinders have been found at Oldbury, near there. 

Maxtocke. 

This place name may have been from Saxon marc — mark=a 
boundary, and stock from timber roots, as in Shustoke. The moats 
at the castle and priory, and numerous others in the district, are 
other instances of the perfect panic of the Saxons on the invasion of 
the Danes. 

Pava Bromwich =Little Bromwich, or Ward End. 

The name Pava Bromwich first occurs in these charters in 11th 
Eic. II., A.D. 1385. It was so called as being carved out of Brom- 
wich. As will be seen by the deeds relating to Birmingham, one 
of the family of Ward had property here, and attempted to change 
the name to Ward End. There were, and are now, more or less 
perfect, three moated residences in this little hamlet, viz. : Ward End 
Hall, Allum Pock House, and Treeford Hall. The latter name strongly 
tends to confirm my idea of the name of Stichford, which is very 
near to Treeford. At the one place foot passengers voided the ford 
by having a tree over the Cole, and at the other a foot bridge upon 
stakes or piles. Stakford, Stachford. 

The bridges at Stechford and Bromford were both of wood, on 
stakes or piles, and for foot passengers only, until the commencement 
of the present century. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Description (from Searches at the Record Office, &c.) of the hitherto 
unknown Royal Castle, at Castle Bromwich, Warwickshire — Visits 
of Shakspeare to the Ardens of Park Hall, Castle Bromwich — 
And Wager of Battle, or the Abraham Thornton and Mary 
Ashford Case. 

" Close hid his castle 'mid embowering trees, 
That half shut out the beams of Phoebus bright, 
And made a kind of checker'd day and night." — Thomson. 

" Sweetest Shakspeare, Fancy's child, 

Warble his native (Warwickshire) wood notes wild." — Milton. 

I think that a consideration of the Royal Castle of Castle 
Bromwich, and the visits of Shakspeare, in the hamlet of which our 
charters and other documents principally treat, would not be complete 
without going thoroughly into the early history of the place. It was 
first, and for a considerable period, simply called Bromwich, or rather 
Bromwic is the earliest spelling. 

It is from Saxon brum = broom, and wic=a station, the station in 
the broom. West Bromwich, Staffordshire, about seven miles distant, 
was also first called Bromwic. Castle Bromwich, received its distinctive 
appellation when Pava or Little Bromwich was carved out of it, and 
West Bromwich became better known ; it was the only one of the 
three places possessing a castle. This name, Bromwich, must be coeval 
with the appearance of Crida (of Curdworth) in the district, about 
A.D. 582, i.e., if the Saxons found the remains of a Roman fort, 
secondary station, or wic here. Perhaps they did, as there appears to 
have been several such about this distance from the Watling and 
Icknield Streets, erected, no doubt, for temporary purposes, when these 
great military ways were being pushed through the country, notably at 



201 

Wykeu, Grimstock Hill, Camp, at Camp Farm, near Kings b ury, Castle 
Old Fort, and the like. If Bromwich or Bromwic was so called from 
a station that the Saxons themselves established, it must have been 
very early, as broom upon open common land always disappears 
simultaneously with cultivation, as the cattle bark it, and it at once 
vanishes. There is none now to be found in the whole hamlet, 
excepting in a few large rough old hedges, where the brush and 
bramble protect it from the cattle. 

There is a little still in one of the hedges of a held of mine, 
even to this day, called Broomhill in the reference book of the parish 
plan. See " Broomhull," the same field in charter A.D. 1356. Saxon= 
Brumhull. A marvellous preservation of spelling this! 1300 years, if 
we date from 582, when the Saxons under Crida of Mercia first gave 
name to the locality ! Besides Grimstock Hill, I think the site of the 
town and church of Coleshill = Col = a sharp, peaky hill, had perhaps 
a temporary fort upon it, and was used both by Eomans and Saxons. 
It is in a line with the other Roman forts I have enumerated, and 
like them runs parallel with the Watling Street. The land hereabouts, 
too, being so exceedingly good, it would be occupied very early by 
the Saxons. 

The common land in the hamlet of Bromwich, such as Hodcre 
Hill Common, &c, now grows gorse only, which superseded the broom 
of course ; when the land around became occupied, and the tenants 
and owners turned cattle upon their commonable lands, the broom van- 
ished. I have another positive proof that the land in this hamlet, and its 
immediate neighbourhood, formerly had broom as the most noted indigenous 
plant. When the London and North Western Railway passed through 
a portion of Little Bromwich (which Little Bromwhich was taken out 
of Bromwich proper), near Stechford station, the first plant upon the 
embankments to make its appearance was the broom. There some of 



202 

it continued until quite recently, but I observed that the gases from 
Birmingham, which increase in volume and virulence, caused it to 
perish, and the gorse, which is more hardy, superseded it; but at first, 
and for ten years at least, nothing but broom appeared. The railway 
company has now destroyed the gorse. 

Again, that portion of land in the hamlet that was not timbered, 
or in primeval meadows, was covered with broom. The passage out 
of this hamlet into Erdington is Bromford Bridge — Brom, Saxon brum ; 
so that when our Saxon ancestors stepped out of the forest of Erding- 
ton =iErdentun — on to the broom of Bromwich, they called it so — 
going straight to the point at once. This is no fanciful conjecture, 
but an etymological fact. There is a Bromford at West Bromwich, on 
the river, in a precisely similar situation ; and West Bromwich also 
was formerly renowned for broom. The little hillock at Castle Brom- 
wich, marked as a tumulus by Sir H. James on the Ordnance Map, 
is about four miles from the nearest part of the Icknield Street, ren- 
dering it too far away to have been occupied from there, even, perhaps, 
as a summer (so called) residence in the early stages of the Roman 
occupation. It might have been so occupied, however, when the 
country was thoroughly settled. If this district was first settled and 
occupied by the Saxons, either as a military or social wic or station, 
it would then have been called the wic in the broom =Brumwic. 

The only thing in support of the royal castle having been upon 
the spot now called the Castle Hills, is the mention by Dugdale of 
the "vestigia" there. Vestiges now there are none, but in 1623, when 
he was eighteen years of age, there may have been some. But, then, 
again, he was wrong as to Brinklow, which he thought had been a 
castle keep ; and, indeed, in almost every assertion or conjecture he 
has made upon such subjects he has been incorrect. The Castle Hills 
and Castle Inn were so named from the name of the village and 



203 

Dugdale's surmise, and not from any evidence yet produced of a castle 
from which they could have taken name. It is not called the Castle 
Hill in any title deeds. 

That there was a castle somewhere in the hamlet, and a royal 
one too, I shall presently prove from the rolls at the Record Office. 
This tumulus could not well have been a keep to a castle, as they 
were generally of stone from base to summit. Some were donjon 
keeps, from dun=a hill, being upon a natural or artificial mound, but 
this would have been too conical for the purpose, besides keeps of 
either kind were always situated in the innermost court or ballium, 
which this could not be, as it is upon the very verge of the hill, 
the peculiar and precise spot always selected by the Celtic peoples for 
the site of a notable barrow or tumulus. It is so thoroughly upon 
the brink of a precipice as to render it impossible for it ever to have 
been enclosed within the precincts of a castle, so as to leave this 
tumulus as an earthen keep in the centre. 

If there has been a castle in its immediate proximity, this British 
tumulus may have been without the walls. There is a small well or 
spring enclosed with bricks close to the base of the conical mound 
on the north side. This is modern for the cattle. On the summit, 
too, there is a little brickwork in the centre of the tumulus. On this 
I must hang, or place a little episode by way of parenthesis, as it 
were, anent the renowned case of Abraham Thornton and Mary 
Ashford, in which the antiquated trial by wager of battle was very 
near being revived. It was quite of European interest at the time. 
Frenchmen and Germans visited the district expecting the " event " to 
" come off ; " indeed, Frenchmen, Germans, and Americans within the 
last thirty years visited the locus in quo. 

It arose out of a trial for murder at Warwick against Thornton, 
and it is about the very lirst instance in which " rogues did not hang 



204 

that jurymen might dine." He was acquitted by a jury of his country- 
men. The wager of battle was not revived, as luckily there was no 
one of the Ashford family to light him. Thornton died many years 
after in America, under an assumed name. His father lies buried in 
the south-east corner of Castle Bromwich churchyard, and his tombstone 
has an inscription clearly indicative of his having died broken-hearted. 
On an opposite hill, about four miles away, Mary Ashford lies in 
Sutton-Coldfield churchyard. She was a maid-of-all-work at a small 
village inn called the "Swan o' Yenton," but has had the privilege of 
being considered as a kind of martyr to female chastity, and 

" The young village maid when with flowerets she dresses 
Her dark flowing hair for some festival day, 
Shall think of her fate, till neglecting her tresses, 
She mournfully turns from the mirror away." 

The brickwork on the summit of the tumulus formerly had a 
pedestal and "leaden" monument upon it, to "Samson," erected by one 
of the Bridgemans. The father of Abraham Thornton (who was a 
small landowner and builder) was also under-steward to that family, 
and as the monument became mutilated and parts of it stolen, he, 
as steward, had it removed to his own house for safety. In the 
anxiety and trouble of his son's trial it was overlooked, and such was 
the bitter prejudice against the whole family on account of the son, 
that when it turned up, a few years after, it was given out by his 
kind neighbours that he had stolen it. Old Mr. Thornton was a most 
amiable man, and much respected by those whose opinion was worth 
considering. They had been a yeoman family for three centuries at 
least in the hamlet, and were, I think, related to the Devereux family. 
See deeds and Aston registers. One of them was named Devereux 
Thornton. The farm occupied by Mr. Mitchell, of Shard End, Castle 
Bromwich, was their estate for about 300 years. Part of the old 
buildings remain, but the house is modern. On the horse block I 



205 

observed, a few years ago, the outlines of a foot, marked and cut 
upon the capstone, with the initials of Abraham Thornton in the 
centre. The foundations of the cow shed near the tumulus on the 
" castle hills," are dressed and squared sand stones. A stable and 
barn in the village called Wood Hayes Farm (close to the Castle 
Inn), have foundations of similar stone, Whitacre or Shustoke stone. 

These appear as from some ancient structure, and, no doubt, from 
the old castle, wherever it may have been. My brother, Mr. Richard 
Farmer Chattock, has recently caused some searches to be made at 
the Record Office, and the following extract puts the question of a 
Royal Castle having stood somewhere in the hamlet beyond all doubt, 
viz. : 
" 20th, Richard II, A.D., 1397, from Fine Rolls and Close Rolls." 

" The King, for a fine of 20 marks, grants to Henry Chattock, 
of Old Hay, in the Close Rolls, called Henry Chattock of Hay End- 
the right to embattle his Messuage or Dwelling House, in Castel 
Bromwich, so far as not to encroach on the right of the castel in 
possession of the Kings." By reference to foregoing charters it will 
be seen that one of them (A.D. 1397) bears even date with this 
grant, and this Hen : Chattock is therein described as of Hay End. 
Ten years later, viz., in charter of A.D. 1407, his successor is called 
Lord of the Hay. Hay End in all the charters and deeds simply 
meant the part then remaining of the old original Hay. " Messuage " 
is from old French meson, mesonage, and was primarily synonymous 
with manor house, when, as in this hamlet, there was no " reputed " 
manor house until the Devereux family built the present hall, from 
which to occupy what little land they held here, and as Sheldon Hall 
had become too small and mean. Before we consider further as to the 
probable site of this King's Castle, it will be as well to enquire how 
it came here. It is quite of historical interest. As I shall presently 



200 

prove, the Hay of Bromwich included most of the present hamlet, and, 
as I have previously shown, all Hays, without exception, were royal 
preserves for game in forests. This King's Castle might be, and most 
probably was, a kind of sporting box, retained by the king at the 
time the Hay was first granted to the Chattocks. As it was in 
possession of the kings in temp. Eic. II., it could not have been the 
residence of some great or lesser baron the kings had dispossessed, 
because at the time of the early troubles with them in temp. Stephen 
and Hen : III., the contiguous lands belonged wholly to the Chattocks, 
including Park Hall, and extending to 13uck Knoll End, adjoining 
Kingshurst Hall estate. It would have been a residence without a domain. 
There is a curious coincidence confirmatory of all this, in the fact 
that William the Conqueror built a castle in the forest of Eockingham, 
Northamptonshire, which is just the same distance from Winchester. 
The early kings, too, Hen: I, son of the Conqueror, had a castle in 
Gillingham Forest, Dorset. In fact, it would actually appear from these 
and other instances, that the Conqueror at first contemplated erecting 
a " sporting box " in each of the royal demesne or forests of the late 
Heptarchy, which had come down to him through their all centering 
in Egbert first sole monarch, but that afterwards, on account of the 
great distance of some of them from the then capital, Winchester, and the 
state of the roads, he altered his mind, and made the New Forest, 
Hants. Had it been a baronial stronghold some early king took 
possession of, we should have had mention of it in history, or citations 
of the fact from the rolls at the Eecord Office. 

The castles demolished by Henry II., as is well known, were large 
moated residences. These would be those erected by the Saxons at the 
commencement of and during the Danish invasions. This Kino's Castle 
was standing some years after — temp. Eic. II., five hundred years ago. 
The Normans always selected the most elevated and commanding sites for 



207 

their castles ; and if this presumed site of Dugdale was the actual one 
when the first and exceedingly ancient moated residence or castle at 
Pedimore Hall became dilapidated, or partially decayed, Bromwich Castle 
might have been erected to supersede it. The halls of Sutton, Pedimore, 
Coleshill, Kingshurst, and the Chattock's old messuage, were all low- 
lying and moated, and nothing like the sites the Normans selected. 
If selected for the pleasures of the chase, the Have of Bromwich could 
not be surpassed, for it is proverbial, even now, as the best land for 
game in the whole midlands. The etymon of the little local place names 
in and about it bespeak it to have been so from the very earliest 
times, viz. : Hay=royal preserve, Bockenoltfeld=Buck-wood-neld, Brock 
hurst=badger wood, Buck-Knowll-feld = Buck-Grove-feld, Hern (heron) 
field, Parrok = or Park, Coney-gree, &c. 

The purport of the reservation clause as to the strength of the em- 
battlements appears to have been precautionary and customary, perhaps 
to prevent even well-affected families erecting strongholds more formidable 
than the nearest royal castle. This embattled messuage upon the Haye 
Hall moat, and the king's castle also, were most probably destroyed during 
the varied changes of the sixteen years continuance of the Wars of the 
Eoses, as one of the family of Chattock fell with the brave Warwick upon 
the field of Barnet ; and a second residence (the present one is the third) 
was erected at the top of the hill, where the " Farm Barn " now is, and 
the large sandstone foundations are to be seen in that building. There 
is a most perfect moat, with the island all intact, nearly opposite the 
weir of Castle Bromwich mill. That (I say it reverentially) fine-nosed 
ferret of an antiquary, Hutton, hunted this out, I see, before he died, 
and cursorily mentioned it on page 441 of the edition I read of his 
works. " The mill of Bromwic " is mentioned very early and frequently 
in these charters; first in A.D. 1251, and it strikes me that it was a 
moated one, and that this was the site of the first mill. 



208 

As appears by the following indications, viz. : the surface of the large 
meadow between the railway and this old moat, a drain now under 
the river at the first bend in it westward from the moat, and the hollow 
in the earth on the rising ground to the south, where the soil has 
been taken from to form the north bank of the river opposite this hollow, 
that the river has been diverted hereabouts, i.e., from the said large 
meadow to this moated mill. When the floodgates of the present weir 
are drawn up, there is some old masonry or brickwork visible in the 
bed and bank of the river at the north bank of this moat. This 
fixture is, doubtless, the bed upon which the old wheel lay and worked. 
The early English and other water mills would, probably, be nothing 
more than a plain wheel placed in the stream, with buckets in the place 
of fan boards (without shrouding or back or sole boards), like the paddle 
wheels of a steam packet. The action or momentum would not be by 
gravity, as where a weir and mill pond existed, with an overshot or 
breast wheel, but by pressure. It would be a kind of " cross," between 
an old-fashioned irrigation Persian wheel and the beautiful construction 
invented and described by M. Poucelet in his " Memoire sur les Eoues 
Hydrauliques a Aubes-Courbes, mues par dessons." This subaqueous wall 
may have been to raise the water sufficiently in dry seasons to give 
impetus to the wheel by a more abundant supply of water, like those 
found by Colonel Chesney in the Euphrates, and which Alexander the 
Great mistook for means of defence. There is a strong probability of 
early water mills having been moated, for it is but natural to suppose 
that most, or all, of the water mills erected when the Saxons were in 
the height of the panic consequent upon the inroads of the Danes 
would be moated for protection, as all residences of any note were so 
protected, and mills were of the very first importance. 

When families in isolated places were joining together for protection, 
they could not each carry their querns and corn with them, but they 



209 

might stow all away in a centrally-situated moated mill, and then rally 
around and in it to the last. 

It could not have been a moated king's castle, with a water mill 
attached, as this would have been infra dig ; neither could it, for the 
same reasons, have been one with the present mill so near. The actual 
site of the royal castle of Bromwich, considering the perfect state of 
the tumulus and oval barrow upon the so-called Castle Hills, will 
remain a poser, unless further evidence or researches at the Record 
Office, or opening the tumulus, should clear up the point. There is 
but one other possible mode of extrication from the difficulty, i.e., to 
believe that Dugdale was right for once, and Sir H. James has, for 
the first time, been caught nap-taking. This I could not easily be 
brought to believe of either of them. Nothing can be clearer than the 
extract from the rolls at the Eecord Office — '* the castle in possession 
of the kings." The plural kings being used shows that it was hereditary, 
of the royal demesne, and not one acquired by forfeiture or otherwise. 

Since writing the forei>oino- I have heard a very reliable tradition 
that the first mill was in the large meadow between the moat and the 
railway. T have examined it, and can distinctly trace it. This being 
so, the diversion of the river was to the present mill, and the moat 
is, without doubt, the site of the " Castle of Bromwic." The oldest 
castles were moated, and in low lands. These were mostly destroyed 
temp. Hen II., excepting, of course, those of the king. Norman baronial 
castles were always on elevated sites ; so that this low-lying moated 
castle that the conqueror retained in the Haye for a " sporting box " 
was of Saxon origin. 

The Hall of Castle Bromwich was erected upon the common land. 
The road called the Mill Hill has been diverted. About one-third the 
distance up the hill from the mill there was a well called St. Lawrence's 
Well. This w r ell was for the convenience of travellers. The spring of 

P 



210 

this well lias been caught, and goes now to supply the mill house. 
The old Mill Hill road formerly passed by this St. Lawrence's Well 
over the " Castle Hill " grounds, nearer the tumulus than the present 
road. The old road can be traced now. It passed through the present 
burying ground, close to the tower of the old church, through the 
Hall gardens, upon part of the site of the present Hall, down a road, 
now simply used as a bridle road, to Buck-knoll-end, to a straight 
piece of road between a half-timbered house, with ivy upon it, and 
two " model " cottages. The burial ground is modern. The inhabitants 
of this place were buried at Aston until about a century ago. There 
was a large open field, or campus, opposite Bromwich Hall, and adjoining 
the junction of these four roads. This field was called the Cross-field, in 
consequence of the junction of these roads forming a cross. It is called by 
that name in the very earliest charters, and upon the present parish plan. 
There is a half-timbered cottage opposite the hall yard called the Town 
House. This term was synonymous with priest house, and in it the 
chaplain formerly resided. 

The house, orchard, and garden at Shard End, mentioned in deed 
of 1590, in which the then Pastor, " H. Hudson, Clerk," resided, is still 
standing. This and the town house now belong to the Castle Bromwich 
Charity. I would here state that the charter of 1364, in which these 
words occur, " between the royal road leading towards Coleshill and 
the land of William atte mor of Orton," that is, William at the Moor 
of Water Orton, is to my mind a proof that the old road from Castle 
Bromwich to Coleshill \v r as formerly along the " Green Lanes," as they are 
now called, and which runs on the north boundary of Coleshill Park, 
and comes out between Col shill Mill and Gilson Hall. 

The site of Coleshill Old Hall is still to be seen at the Decoy, 
near the present Coleshill Hall Farm. It was at the Decoy upon a 
moated island now traceable there. It was standing in 1686, and it 



211 

is said to have been the place where the Gunpowder Plot was hatched. 
Some of the old squared sandstones are still to be seen in the buildings 
of the present Coleshill Hall farm-house. The present road to Coleshill 
is close to this house, and site of the old moated hall, which was 
selected for its privacy, before the present road was cut. The diversion 
from the Green Lanes to here took place when Coleshill Old Hall 
ceased to be a hiding-place, and the present road was made as a nearer 
cut to Kenilworth, Warwick, and Temple Balsall, via Stonebridge. There 
are two other moated sites of former residences, one within and the 
other j List without the boundary of this hamlet, which, although they 
cannot for a moment be thought as at all likely to have been the site 
of the Eoyal Castle, I know all true lovers of the antique would like 
to have them pointed out. I have somewhere seen Kenilworth spelt 
(and exceedingly early too) Keelingworth, and, I think, it is the correct 
spelling, and is from Saxon cele = cold, and ing a meadow, or ccele = 
keel, low-lying, in the bottom, and that there was, before the present 
baronial erection, an old Saxon moated residence in the meadows, which 
meadows afterwards formed the lake of the present castle. Good as 
the Ordnance Map is, I do not think all the lesser moated sites are 
entered upon it. The number of those perfect, and of those partially 
so, in the neighbourhood of the Watling Street (formerly the boundary 
between Saxons and Danes), is prodigious, showing forcibly how anxious 
our Saxon ancestors were to make themselves secure against the Danish 
invaders, as Dibdin sang, 

" The Danes, the Danes, the young and aged cry, 
And mothers press their infants as they fly." 

One of these old moats is marked on the Ordnance Map as 
" Burton's in the Wood." It is on the left hand side of the road leading 
from Castle Bromwich to Coleshill, nearly opposite the entrance to 
Kingshurst Hall, and one iield's length from the road. There is a 



212 

cottage near it, but out ot sight from the road. The other 
moated site is now nearly obliterated, but still determinable by the 
initiated near the Coleford, opposite Cole Hall, on the Castle Bromwich 
side of the brook, about one hundred and lifty yards up the stream 
from the ford, and about sixty yards from the brook. Cole Hall is 
modern, and without a moat. 

And now as to Shakspeare's visits to Park Hall, which, though 
near Water Orton, is in Castle Bromwich hamlet. The back of this 
Residence is seen from the railway, near the Water Orton station, but 
a very faint idea can be formed of the front elevation from such a 
disadvantageous stand-point. It is a line old Eesidence, and well worth 
going to see. Those who remember this place as I do, even say forty 
years ago, will readily acknowledge that, without considering Shakspeare's 
visits, it could hot then be surpassed for beauty and romantic interest. 
The hill opposite, still called " The Bowery Hill," was studded with 
wild cherries, roses, and honeysuckle. The river " gentle Thasmis," 
which was as clear as crystal, not only ran by the garden wall as it 
now does, but before the construction of the " Derby line," it ran at 
the bottom of and adjoined the woods also, which were then filled 
with gigantic oak, beech, ash, and fir, completely overhanging and 
darkening the stream, and, oh ! how vividly I recollect our attempts to 
rival each other, 

" And olimb the tall pine's gloomy crest 
To rob the raven of its nest." 

" Forget-me-nots " and other wild flowers grew profusely upon the river 
banks, and reflected their beauteous colours and forms on the water. 
Fish were most plentiful, and when kneeling down to drink upon the 
.stepping-stones at the different fords we had to hold our caps on lest 
the darting kingfishers should strike them off' in their rapid flights up 
and down the stream. It is like takino- coals to Newcastle to take 



213 

Shakspeare to Park Hall woods to enhance the romance of the scenery 
and associations. It is like Milton entering the woods of Bucks to 
hear the nightingale, 

" Thee, chantress, oft the woods anions, 
I woo to hear thy even song." 

Why, he was a better singer himself! 

I did not hear of Shakspeare's visits to this place through an 
ordinary channel of tradition, but through a literary and somewhat extra- 
ordinary one. It is now nearly one hundred and forty years since my 
grandfather went to Park Hall, and his cousin lived in the hamlet at 
the old family property, the Hay, at the same time. Their ancestors 
resided in the hamlet centuries before the death of the great poet, and 
their successors have continued there ever since. This would be an 
ordinary channel. 

By reference to the foregoing deeds it will be seen by that of 
2 -j tli December, 1730, that a Elizabeth Chattock married a John 
Farmer, of Atherstone, who was a cousin to Dr. Richard Farmer, 
the Antiquary and well-known commentator upon Shakspeare, and author 
of "Nichol's History of Leicestershire," which he gave away to that 
gentleman. See Encyclopaedia Britannica. 

My mother was a daughter of Mr. Thomas Farmer, of the 
Manwoods, Handsworth, who was a grandson of the before-mentioned 
John Farmer. This is the maternal side through which the tradition 
could flow. On the paternal side, my grandfather, of Park Hall, married 
Sarah, sister of Mark Noble, the Antiquary, and his father, my great- 
grandfather, married Ann Prattenton, of Hartlebury, of the family of 
Dr. Prattenton, F S.A. See No. 8 of " Warwickshire Antiquarian 
Magazine," published by Cookes, of Warwick. I have frequently heard 
my mother and grandmother converse, not only upon the subject of the 
poet's visits to the Ardens of Park Hall, but also of his family being 



214 

related to our own, but whether it was by marriage only I cannot recollect, 
and whether this information was procured from any written evidences, 
since lost or stowed away with the papers of any of these three 
Antiquaries, or by tradition only, or from documents of our own family, 
I cannot now remember. 

It is stated in " Notes and Queries " that Shakspeare was related 
to the families of Sadler, and Quiney, and Ensor. 

I recollect a person named Quiney at Castle Bromwich, and the 
family, and that of Ensor are still represented by name in this 
neighbourhood. The family of Sadler of Castle Bromwich (now of 
Sutton), have been located in the former place from about A.D. 1500, 
and perhaps earlier, as will appear by reference to foregoing deeds. A 
Christopher Sadler married a Hellen Chattock about 1600, and they are 
mentioned in the Aston registers, but whether any and what other 
alliances, if any, took place between these three families I know not, 
and have not searched for. I casually met with the following in the 
Aston registers : " 1656, 14th Sep.— Morderay Shackspeare, of this parish, 
and Catherine Sadler of Yardley, publis d in this church, and married 
before Justice Ebrall on 16th Sept 1 '" 

" Olde Mr. Greene, of Castle Bromwich, a preacher of the gospel, 
who was persecuted in Queen Mary's time, buried Feb. 26, 1605." I 
believe there are many entries in the Yardley registers of the Shakspeare 
family. I do not think the old church registers and documents at 
Coventry, Lichfield, Worcester, and Gloucester have been sufficiently 
searched yet. In Bartlet's History of Mancetter, mention is made of 
" Thomas Shakspeare and Chad Sadler, churchwardens of Ansley in 
1633," pp. 138, 146. This was the Holt Hall (near Ansley) family, a 
branch of the Castle Bromwich one. In Hamper's Life of Dugdale, 
p. 510, it states that a "William Sadler, of Over Whitacre, was said 
to have been engaged to a Miss Dugdale, sister to Sir William." 









215 

I must " beg his British godship's pardon," when I say that 
Shakspeare was not so popular in Dugdale's time as he now is, and that 
it is just possible something might turn up respecting his family in MSS. 
of Dugdale in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. May be the papers of 
one of these three Antiquaries, Prattenton, Noble, or Dr. Farmer, would 
throw some light upon the subject. The papers of the former, or 
some of them, were presented to the Society of Antiquaries. Byron said 
that " many pass for wits by quoting Shakspeare," but Dr. Farmer's 
" Essay on the Learning and Genius of Shakspeare " did more to bring 
the great poet into notice and repute amongst the learned than any 
other Avork. 

To show that Dr. Farmer would be very likely to know something 
of the visits of Shakspeare to Park Hall, I here reproduce the eulog} 
of Stephens on this author : " How shall I talk of thee and of thy 
wonderful collection, rare Eichard Farmer? of thy scholarship, acute- 
ness, singularities, varied learning, and colloquial powers ! Thy name 
will live long among scholars in general, and in the bosoms of virtuous 
and learned Bibliomaniacs, thy memory shall ever be enshrined ! The 
walls of Emanuel College now cease to convey the sounds of thy 
festive wit, and thou hast ceased in the cause of thy beloved Shakspeare, 
to delve in the fruitful ore of black letter literature. Peace to thy 
honest spirit ; for thou wert wise without vanity, learned without 
pedantry, and joyous without vulgarity." 

From the tenor of the conversation as to Shakspeare's visits to 
Park Hall, I can distinctly recollect that the successful " Playwright " 
and wealthy Esquire had mutually sought each other's acquaintance to 
see if they could establish a relationship between the respective 
families, but failed to do so. I am ashamed to say so, but "Playwright" 
was the precise word used by my grandmother, Mark Noble's sister. 
It was a common appellation in her juvenile days. 



21 

The Park Hall standing before the present one was erected, had 
a different site to this. It was at the "Brornwich Barn," as it is 
called, that is, at the barn by the side of the road leading from Castle 
Brornwich to Water Orton. The present Gothic tenant has, but a few 
vears ago, filled in the moat sufficiently to spoil it, and I am happy 
to say has been compensated for his trouble by having to sink a well 
for water for his cattle. The present Hall is the one Shakspeare visited. 

Park Hall estate was never, as Dugdale would have us believe, a 
regular park, according to the common acceptation of the term ; not 
only on account of its limited area, but from its being, as he unwittingly 
admits, " in the Hay de Brornwich," which, as we shall presently see, 
first belonged to the king, and then to the Chattocks. In charter of 
1321 it is simply called parrock = a paled field. Dugdale admits that 
" it was not great," and " does not know when it was imparked." It 
never was imparked, or he would have found the record of it in the 
Fine, Close, or Forest Polls. In another place he says the park " was 
enlarged with ten acres of arable land " (in 37 Henry VIII.), which 
is absurd, as afforesting ceased long previous to this date. This is but 
six years before the accession of Queen Elizabeth to the throne, at 
which time it would not do to turn plough land into park. As to 
the original name being really " Manerium de la Logge," it is untrue, 
for it was in the " Hay of Brornwich ; " and I shall presently show 
that the Hay was " free land." It may some time have been dubbed 
the " reputed manor " of, &c, &c, with a view to become possessed 
of manorial rights in the way I shall presently describe. It may, and 
probably was, called "la lodge " = a temporary residence, and may have 
reference to the time when it was used as such by some agent or 
forester. 

In the " Midland Magazine " for 1880, on page 140, there is a 
passage strangely confirmatory of this de la logge, or lodge, being 



217 

what I say. It is an extract from " Pleas of the Forest of Cannock ; " 
and a residence, and one of the foresters, is therein described as " Hugh 
de Loges Seneschal of the Forest of Cannock." The paper is by Mr. 
W. H. Duignan. If the reader will follow me on the Ordnance Map, 
he will find a track or road indicated that would pass Park Hall and 
through a vast range of royal demesne and forest land, viz. : from 
Tamworth, through Kingsbury, Curdworth, Park Hall (where there was 
a good ford, and afterwards a good early bridge), by the " Bromwich 
Barn " (the site of old Park Hall), along a road (now closed) at the 
back of :t Farthing Castle," up " Dead Woman's Lane," by Brating 
Barrow, Kingshurst Hall, Sheldon Hall, to Hampton-in-Arden. This 
would render Park Hall a good central lodge for a forester of the 
district. If Dugdale or Hutton had understood Anglo-Saxon, they would 
have discovered the particulars I have related as to Crida and Curd- 
worth. Somner was in the habit of supplying Dugdale bv letter with 
the etymology of each place name he had to treat of in his work ; 
and when coming to Curdworth, Somner's derivation was — " from some 
Saxon Crida most likely," and down it went, little thinking that Crida 
was "the" Saxon of the whole district — the first king of Mercia. 
Somner understood Anglo-Saxon pretty well, but was entirely without 
local knowledge as to the vast amount of royal demesne hereabouts, 
or he might have forestalled me. I have carefully waded through the 
whole body of Anglo-Saxon literature, and I find that this Crida is the 
only one of the name anywhere to be found. As I have elsewhere 
stated, Hutton ludicrously follows the style of Dugdale, and says that 
Birmingham and district was first " settled " by some Saxon, perhaps 
Crida ; and then he proceeds to parcel out land to his followers (like 
Dugdale did with the " old barons of Dudley), from the Conqueror 
downwards. As the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was not translated when 
Hutton wrote his History of Birmingham, he must have followed Dugdale 



218 

as to Crida's name. As the permission to embattle the moated messuage 
of the Chattocks (the Hay Hall of the Ordnance Map) was in the same 
reign as the Wat Tyler insurrection, it may have been simply pre- 
cautionary against a similar outbreak. Cannon had been used in the 
battles of Cressy and Poitiers more than forty years previously, so that 
the embattling would have been useless in the event of another baron's 
war, and the Chattocks taking sides, as in such a conflict the com- 
batants could afford to use them. I by no means wish to disparage 
Somner in the foregoing remarks. He was a very decent Anglo-Saxon 
scholar for those times, but then, he spent his whole life at Canterbury, 
and was scarcely ever in Warwickshire, consequently without local know- 
ledge. Besides, as Professor Bosworth well states in a letter I have of 
his, that when he published his Anglo-Saxon Grammar in 1823, our 
knowledge of the Ano;lo-Saxon was in an infantile state. This stands 
to reason, for most of our Anglo-Saxon literature, that is, the old 
charters, &c, have only come to light since then. 



CHAPTER Vn. 

" Cerdic's Shore " of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, or the Landing 
Place of Cerdic, the First King of Wessex, ascertained and 
determined. 

" While undecided yet which part shall fall — 
"Which nation vise the glorious lord of all." — Ckef.ch. 

There is such a misty muddle, or, rather, palpable error, somewhere 
yet in the accounts of this portion of the Saxon invasion that, for 
our literary reputation sake, it is quite time the affair was cleared up. 
Having occasion to dip into Anglo-Saxon literature some time ago, I 
discovered the following items all bearing upon the subject [ put 
them into the form of an essay and submitted it to the late Professor 
of Anglo-Saxon, who wrote me thus respecting it. 

"20, Beaumont Street, Oxford, 28th January, 1871. 
" My dear Sir, 

" As soon as I received your very interesting essay, I ran it over, and saw 
it deserved a most careful reading. I put it aside for a quiet hour to read it 
carefully, and make extracts for my large book. I will return it as soon as ever I 
have time to read it carefully. With many thanks for the sight of it, 

" I am, ever faithfully yours, 

" Josh. Bosworth." 
Chris r - Chattock, Esq., 

Haye House, Castle Bromwich. 

The " large book " is the new Anglo-Saxon Dictionary he was en- 
gaged upon for the University. Since the foregoing, I iind that the error 
was one of the old writers, aEthelwerd, who mentions a " Serdic's Sand " 
on the coast of Norfolk (see Parkins and Blomfield, vol. xi., p. 256). 
The error is a gross one, for Wessex was settled A.D. 519, Essex in 
527, and East Anglia not until A.D. 575. The mistake no doubt arose 
in this way. The name or w T ord Cerdic simply means leader of the 



220 

expedition, and it is a question whether Cerdic bore this name before 
his expedition into this country. There were others of the name (see 
Kemble's Codex Diplomatics Aevi Saxonici, vol. i., p. 122 and p. 127, 
A.D. 759. In charter No. 782 there is a Gertie, and there is one also 
of that name in the Celtic or British Records. The Serdic of " Serdic's 
Sand," as the name indicates, must have been some adventurer who 
was stranded there. 

Editions op Works referred to — 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 

Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici of Kemble, 1848. 

Hutchins' Dorset, 1796. 

Philological Society's Transactions. 

Carte's History of England, 1747. 

Taylor's Words and Places, 1864. 

Wright's Celts, Eomans, and Saxons, 1852. 

Whitaker's Manchester, 1771. 

Turner's History of Anglo-Saxons, 1820. 

Collectanea Topographica et Genealogoca. 

Haigh's Conquest of Britain by the Saxons, 1862. 

Gentleman's Magazine, new series, ii., p. 609, 1842. 

Wise's New Forest, 1863. 

Milner's Winchester, 1809. 

Hoare's Wilts, 1822. 

Before advancing my own views as to the exact locality of the 
place in question, it behoves me to raise and substantiate such objec- 
tions to the views of others as will not only shake their authority, 
but render their premises quite untenable. 

The great mistakes of our early writers upon this subject arose, 
I take it, from the somewhat pardonable error of undue deference to 



221 

our venerable Camden, who, I now see, followed this iEthelwerd, and 
that all, the moderns included, from not adhering sufficiently close to 
the Chronicle. 

The early writers following ^Ethelwerd, and subsequent writers fol- 
lowing Camden, allege that Cerdic first landed on " Serdichsand, near 
Yarmouth, in Norfolk," and ultimately settled in Hants. To do this 
he must either have fought his way, or travelled unopposed many 
miles in a south-westerly direction in a hostile country, or have 
re-embarked, and, landing upon the coast of that county, baptized 
Cerdic's Shore No. 2, which does not remove the difficulty. That he 
never landed in Norfolk at all is evident from the simple narrative of 
the Chronicle, for it alleges that nineteen years after his arrival his 
two nephews also landed upon Cerdic's Shore, so that they also must 
have either repeated the same operations, or have remained settled in 
Norfolk, near Cerdic's Shore No. 1, which we know they did not do. 

Nichols, in the number of the Gentleman's Magazine alluded to, 
makes Cerdic land at Yarmouth, in the Isle of Wight ; but this is not 
only open to some of the objections in the case of Yarmouth in 
Norfolk, but to the additional difficulty of reconciling it with the state- 
ment of the Chronicle, that Cerdic and his nephews did not attempt 
a landing in the Isle of Wight until A.D. 530. A little attention to 
the simple rules of geography will, I think, clearly show that Cerdic 
could not have landed on the Hampshire coast at all. The nomen- 
clature of the location of the Teutons in Britain was not of course 
given on account of their positions relatively as to old Saxony upon 
the continent, or the names Essex, East Anglia, and Mercia, would 
have been absurd. Neither was it given altogether on account of their 
relative positions to each other upon the island, for Sussex was established 
before Essex and East Anglia, and, therefore, was not south of any 
settlement, being on a line west ot Kent. 



222 

The names Sussex, Essex, East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria, show 
that the system of nomenclature arose from the actual position of each 
settlement in the island itself Norfolk and Suffolk were merely sub- 
divisions of the north and south folc of East Anglia, the same as 
north and south Mercia. My theory is thus established in each case 
so far. The assertion may seem a paradox, but it is nevertheless true, 
that the allowing Kent to retain its ancient name is a confirmation of 
the theory, for be it observed the county of Kent has three coasts — 
one due north, one due east, and one south ; so that though the Jutes, 
like their " cousins German," the Saxons, Francs, Angles, and Frisii, 
were good geographers, they had not yet attained to our modern 
standard, by which we re-baptize the back streets of London, such as 
east city, west city, and the like ; and even this expressive jargon 
would not have described the northern coast of the county. This 
order of naming each settlement from its actual position in the island 
itself, I will now proceed to show, holds equally in the case of Wessex. 
As none of the settlements were ever effected upon the western shore 
(pure and simple) of Britain, that is, between the Land's End and 
Carlisle, and yet the West Saxon Kingdom is spoken of, it must have 
some peculiar significance, and arises, I take it, in this way. These 
early settlers would not of course make Greenwich their " first meridian," 
but some lax and imaginary line drawn from the acute angle of the 
northern extremity of Northumberland to a point about half-way between 
the Land's End, Cornwall, and the south-east corner of Kent, which 
would be near the point where Dorset and Hants join each other on 
the coast ; so that unless Cerdic landed somewhere to the west of this 
line, he could not be said to have landed upon the west coast at all. 
All to the left of this line would be the west of England to them. 

Hoare, in his " Wilts," names Southampton, but this would have 
occasioned the infringement of another rule the Teutons invariably 



223 

observed. By calling to mind the clearly-ascertained points where they 
did land in other instances, it will be observed that these points were 
always a certain distance from each other, so as to allow sufficient 
scope to push out in all directions, and yet to be enabled to draw 
near to each other in case of need ; but it could not have been so 
if Cerdic had landed in Hants, or Port would not afterwards have 
landed at Portsmouth. It would have been too near Southampton. 
Port's was evidently an independent settlement, and as he is only once 
mentioned in the Chronicle, he must have soon died or joined Cerdic. 
Milner, in his " Winchester," at first names the Hants coast opposite 
the Isle of Wight ; but according to Whitaker, who cites Carte and 
Bede, this part of Hants was joined to the island when the tide was 
down, even so late as the eighth century, and that tin was carted 
over it at low water ; and if this was the case then, what must it have 
been in the fifth century ? Besides, this portion of the coast was a wild 
forest at the time (as, indeed, the neighbourhood is now), and the West 
Saxons would no more think of landing in it than did the South 
Saxons in the Forest of Anderida. Milner ultimately appears to abandon 
this place, and seems inclined to agree with Carte (vol. i , p. 199), 
and fix upon Cherford, in Purbeck, or Charmouth, Dorset. Barnes, in 
Philological Society's Transactions, 1863-4, lixes upon Calshot, at the 
mouth of the Southampton water, and cites Wise's " New Forest " as 
bearing him out ; but this place is open to the same objections as the 
last named, and to those of Southampton also, and, moreover, the only 
single element of affinity in the two words is the letter c. Again, 
there may be sufficient water there now for such a purpose, but there 
could not have been in the year 495 ; and the place is raked by all 
the winds of heaven. Taylor, in " Words and Places," p. 329, and 
Haigh, in his " Conquest of Britain by the Saxons," p. 22, consider 
Charmouth the most likely place, and I believe they are not far from 



224 

the mark as to locality. But it is strange to see learned men amuse 
themselves by tracing affinity in the names of places that have scarcely 
an element in common. Take, for instance, the three following words, 
viz. : Cer-dic-ford, Char-ford, and Char-mouth. There is not only a 
syllable wanting in the names of the two last places, but the rough 
" d " in the second syllable of Cer-dic-ford produces an exact dissimilar- 
ity between them. Baxter's " Glossary " gives a British origin to the 
word " char."' The unflagging pertinacity with which others have 
followed the beaten track of precedent caused Whitaker to spell 
Charford Chan/ford, and Turner to ignore Dorset altogether. He once 
mentions it in a tabular statement, but in his anxiety to keep Cerdic 
in Hants, he does not say at all how Dorset was acquired. Whitaker, 
in vol. ii., p. 91, and in Notes, p. 96, makes a most unique blunder 
by stating that Dorset was not acquired until A.D. 614, and cites 
Carte to prove it, whereas on pp. 60 and 61 in the same vol. he 
rates Carte soundly for stating that Cerdic landed in Dorset before Hants. 
In clearing up the long-disputed point as to the precise spot of 
Cerdic's landing, it is necessary to note another rule invariably observed 
at every invasion since that of Ca3sar's. Wright, in his " Celts, Eomans, 
and Saxons," p. 386, says, " The Saxons selected just the same coast 
districts as were chosen by the Danes in after years. He might have 
gone further, and said that, as far as is ascertainable, Komans, Saxons, 
Danes, and Normans, all landed at the same places. Haigh, before 
mentioned, says, p. 291, " Pevensey is almost certainly Anderida." 
Cassar, Theodosius, Hengist, Augustine, and the Danes, all landed most 
probably at Kutupice. Another specialty in the choice of spots by the 
Saxons was at once to seize upon and hold some Roman station as 
near to the coast as possible (see Wright's map). Now, it so happens 
that of all the places fixed upon by previous writers as Cerdic's Shore, 
Southampton alone is the only place that was a Roman station. But, 



225 

then, it is not a shore at all— -has no remnant of the name of Cerdic 
— is open to all the objections I have previously stated ; and, moreover, 
I contend, without the slightest fear of contradiction from anyone who 
will dispassionately look into the matter, that if we accept the popular 
idea as to the occupancy of Hants before Dorset, it is impossible to 
place a finger upon a single page or passage of history and show how 
Dorset was acquired. In Haigh's work (who favours Charmouth, 
Dorset), p. 22, it is stated that "Arthur makes peace with Cerdic, 
ceding to him Hants." So that its being evident he would not be 
satisfied with Arthur's ceding a county (Hants) that he (Cerdic) had 
already conquered and held, we must conclude he had conquered 
Dorset, and was threatening Hants. In Haigh's work, p. 312, it is 
stated that " Cerdic, according to John of Wallingford, landed at the 
mouth of a river which bore Cerdic's name." Now, by reference to 
the excellent map at the commencement of the fourth volume of 
Hutchins' " Dorset," it will be seen that there is, near Charmouth, a 
little river, with a small place upon it, close to the sea, and on the 
Eoman road called Chidiock. This village is, without doubt, upon the 
veritable Cerdic's Shore (see Ordnance Map, large scale). The once 
famous Kutupce itself is now a sandbank called Sandwic. There is not, 
as I shall show, a syllable wanting here ; neither is there a redundant 
vowel according to the ancient spelling. Barnes, in his " Grammar and 
Glossary of the Dorset Dialect," — Philological Society's Transactions, 
1863-4 (bound together), part ii., p. 18, says, " R before some letters 
is thrown out, as in orchard, fardle — orchad, fadle." This is a case 
in point. The vowel i after the d in Chidiock was in some cases 
retained, in others omitted, and sometimes interchanged with o ; for in 
a very old deed, about 1300 A.D. (see Collectanea Topographica et 
Genealogoca, vol. ii., p. 124), the ford of the little river at the entrance 
to Chidiock is spelt " Chidocford." The alteration to ch in Cerdic 

Q 



22G 

would conic through the Norman-French. This is, doubtless, the verit- 
able Cerdicford of the Chronicle, wherever Natley may be. This Natley 
(as there is a place of that name in Hants) has added considerably 
to the difficulty. The ley is Saxon, and common, and the nat may, 
after all, be a corruption of some entirely dissimilar word. That this 
Chidiock was a Roman station there can be no doubt. It is now a 
coastguard station near the sea, on the great Roman West of England 
highway ; and by references to the Itineraries of Richard, and Anto- 
ninus, it is thirty-six miles between Durnovaria (Dorchester) and Moriduno 
(Seaton). The road runs through Chidiock, but not through Charmouth ; 
and, as Wright says there is one missing station in these thirty-six 
miles, there can be no doubt but that Chidiock is the place, as it is 
exactly eighteen miles equi-distant between Dorchester and Seaton, which 
figure (eighteen) is the average distance of the Roman stations from 
each other. Chidiock and Charmouth were formerly one parish. The 
Danes visited this immediate district in A.D. 787, 833, 837, 840, 876, 
877, 982, 998 ; in fact, as Wright observes, always where Saxons landed. 
The Duke of Monmouth landed in this parish. Charles I. went here 
to seek a French vessel. The Spanish Armada was expected here. In 
Lansdowne MSS., 113, No. 37, is " a note of the probable places for 
landing of men in the county of Dorset," taken at this time, and runs 
thus : " Chidiock and Charmouth are two beaches to land boates." 
Writing of Chardstock, Dorset, some few miles distant, Hutchins says, 
" it takes its name from Cerde or Cerdic, some Saxon." The old county 
historian, Hutchins, is here like Dugdale and Hutton as to Crida and 
Curdworth. He had an interesting historical secret upon the tip of 
his tongue, as it were, and was unable to lisp it forth for want of 
a knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon, his mother tongue. (See also Fergusson 
on Surnames, p. 218). In contra-distinction to this Chardstock is Poor- 
stock, near it. This latter syllable, stock, is synonymous with the 



227 

German " feld " — cleared of timber. Chidiock, Chardstock, Cheddington, 
all Whitchurch Hundred, and very much land hereabouts, were all 
royal demesne up to the Conquest. Chidiock was included, with 
Bradpole and other places, in Domesday Survey, and it is said, " They 
were not taxed, and provided two nights' entertainment." I will now 
give a tabular statement from the index to Ingram's chronicle of names 
of places in Dorset and Hants as they occur in the Chronicle itself, 
according to dates which must show which county was occupied first. 
There are fourteen names. The last twelve are decisive. I am not 
begging the question by placing Chidiock and Dorchester first ; for 
Ingram is full of errors. The first place in which Dorchester appears 
in the body of the Chronicle it is stated in his index to be in Oxford- 
shire, which it could not be. It is where Bishop Birinus, of Wessex, 
baptizes King Cynegils, A.D. 635, for it states in the year 634 that 
that bishop never left Wessex " to the end of his life ; " and in Ingrain's 
index, p. 446, he excludes Oxfordshire from Wessex altogether. Then, 
as to Whitchurch, I have given him the benefit of a doubt, when there 
is not the slightest doubt whatever about this Whitchurch being in 
Dorset, instead of Hants. This Earl " Leofric of Whitchurch " (see 
Chronicle, A.D. 1001) was of Whitchurch, Dorset, and not of Whit- 
church, Hants (see County History). His index is also wrong as to 
Warham, which occurs in body of Chronicle more than one hundred 
years before he mentions it in his Index. I must here state that 
Portsmouth is not mentioned, as that was a settlement independent of 
Cerdic's operations altogether. 



228 



Dorsetshire. 




Hampshire. 








AD. 


A.D. 


Chidiock ( shore j 


.. 495 


Netley (but ? where) 508 


Dorchester 


.. 635 


Winchester 






.. 643 


Pen. (near Gillingham) 


.. 658 


Privet ... 






.. 755 


Winbonrn 


.. 718 


Hampshire 






.. 755 


Cbarmouth 


.. 833 


Southampton ... 






.. 837 


Portland 


.. 837 


Basingstoke 






.. 871 


Dorsetshire 


.. 845 


Romsey 






.. 971 


Shirbourn 


.. 860 


Andover 






. 994 


Wareham 


.. 876 


Alton ... 






.. 1001 


Swanage 


.. 877 


Worthy 






.. 1001 


Corfe Castle ... 


.. 978 


Whitchurch (Dorset). 






.. 1001 


Shaftsbury 


.. 982 


Whorwell 






.. 1051 


Frome (mouth) 


.. 998 


E owner 






.. 1114 


Gillingham 


.. 1016 


Odiham 




.. 


.. 1116 



I will now give similar and equally conclusive tabular statements 
of places as they occur according to priority in index to Kemble's 
" Codex," &c. I have not taken the trouble to insert dates here, as 
the numbers of charters run according to the order of dating, which 
answers the same purpose. I find by this index that sixteen out of 
twenty of the names of places of all kinds in Dorset are of earlier 
date than those of Hants. Those of the same name are the following, 
to which I find only four exceptions in favour of Hants, but here 
there are twenty-four in favour of Dorset. Considering that Hants is 
a Cathedral county, and larger than Dorset, these indexes of Chronicle 
and Kemble are conclusive, and leave no shadow of a doubt, and 
occur in such precise order of priority as to indicate clearly the 
occupancy of Dorset first and Hants immediately afterwards. 



229 





Dorsetshire 


1 


Woder (river) 


2 


The Mark Comb 


3 


Burnstow... 


4 


Swinden ... 




5 


Handley ... 




6 


Milbourn ... 




7 


Woodbridge 




8 


Dolborough 




9 


Worsberg... 




10 


Cliff 




11 


Rushden ... 




12 


Kingsdike 




13 


Langley ... 




14 


Rushmere 




14a 


Stour (river) 




15 


Horton . . . 




16 


Shelford ... 




17 


Waddon . . . 




18 


Oaklnll ... 




19 


Oakley (little) 




20 


Thornton... 




21 


Weston ... 




22 


Swinbrook 




23 


Oakhanger 





No. of 
Charter, 




Hampshire 


54 


1 


Essenbourn 


260 


2 


The Mark Den 




300 


3 


Burnstow... 




300 


4 


Swinham... 




310 


5 


Handley ... 




314 


6 


Milbrook ... 




361 


7 


Woodbridge 




361 


8 


Dolmansbro' 




366 


9 


Worsole . . . 




375 


10 


Cliff 




389 


11 


Eushley . . . 




392 


12 


Kingsdike 




392 


13 


Langley ... 




394 


14 


Rushmere 




397 


14a 


Stour 




412 


15 


Horton . . . 




418 


16 


Shelford ... 




447 


17 


Waddon ... 




447 


18 


Oakley ... 




447 


19 


Oakley 




474 


20 


Thornwick 




701 


21 


Weston . . . 




706 


22 


Swinbrook 




1083 


23 


Oakhanger 





No. of 
Charter. 

131 
1096 
624 
739 
556 
450 
578 
665 
535 
636 
533 
450 
556 
535 
545 
609 
1131 
673 
642 
642 
624 
713 
1080 
1094 

This index text is infallible taken generally, and almost as a rule. 
For in Kemble's earliest or first charter (No. 1) occurs Bochester, Kent, 
the first British town occupied by the Saxons ; and in the last or 
latest (No. 1369), vol. vi., p. 222, occurs Ecclesbrook, Worcestershire, 
South Mercia, one of the last places occupied by them. In Kemble's 
" Codex," &c, vol. v., p. 398, No. 1214, are these words— " tha laud 
gemcero Cinrices by Oern" (Cern Abbey), clearly indicative of Cerdic's 



230 

son (Cynric) there. The following list of Saxon Monetarii in Dorset 
in Edward the Confessor's reign shows the great antiquity of the 
county : Shaftesbury, 3 ; Dorchester, 2 ; Warham, 2 ; Bridport, 1. 
Early descendants of Cerdic were Cynric, Clawlin, Cutha, Chad. 

In index to names of places in Hutchin's " Dorset " we find Chidiock, 
Catherston (evidently Cutha's ton), Cerdestock, Catscliff, Cheddington, 
Catsley, Catstock (Chadstock), Chardstock, Chetnoll, Chitcomb, Shatcomb, 
and the like. There are also Chattley Barrows, near Chidiock, in Dorset, 
mentioned in Skipp and Hodson's " Dorset," and Chardown, near them. 
In index to Kemble's " Codex," vol. vi., p. 267, Chadford, Dorset, also 
occurs. I may add that in the notices of barrows and other Saxon 
remains scattered over the pages of the Archasologia and Archaeological 
Journal, and other publications, which I have consulted for the purpose? 
they, and their surroundings, all indicate a priority favourable to an 
earlier occupancy of Dorset by Saxons than Hants. 



CHAPTER VIII 
MISCELLANEA. 

" Bo a most searching examiner of witnesses ; and be on thy guard as regards thine own words." — 

Simeon ben Shetach, in the Talmud. 

Bar Beacon, Roman Coins, Beorm-ing-ham, Solihull, Beacons, Pedimore 
Hall, Aston Registers, " Dyke Path," Assessments, Roman Roads, 
The " de " Birmingham Family, Castle Bromwich Mill. 

Before entering on a description of the coins, I should like to 
give expression to a few thoughts occurring on a recent visit to Bar 
Beacon. I had not been there for some years. When I arrived upon 
the spot, I found the Ordnance surveyors there, with a temporary 
observatory erected for a new survey. Brewster appropriated one of 
the choicest aphorisms of Milton, and put it into the mouth of Newton 
to teach us humility. It is to the effect that as to real knowledge 
we are but children yet. Milton's words are :— 

" Collecting toys 
And trifles for choice matters, worth a sponge, 
As children gathering pebbles on the shore." 

Swift said that some people could see more in Homer than ever 
Homer knew. I do not profess to see this in the generals of old 
Rome, and, moreover, I believe Moltke to be the greatest general the 
world has yet seen. But when I came to stand upon Bar Beacon 
again, and view the intersection of the two great military roads at 
the Grand Junction Station, Wall, to look at 01dbuiy=01d fort, and 
Wednesbury = Woden's fort, at the foot or base of the Beacon Hill, and 
where we know that coal and iron and limestone formerly cropped up 
to the surface, I thought of the genuine genius of the generals of old 
Rome ; and although Moltke, in my estimation, still kept his place, he 
did not look quite so big. 



232 

Bar Beacon not only dominates the district, but the whole country, 
as a military centre. It is a great shame that it should be enclosed. 
It is a charming spot even now, and unrivalled as a military centre 
for a great station and general depot in the very heart of the whole 
country. In good ordinary weather the Peak in Derbyshire, Wrekin 
in Shropshire, and Worcestershire hills, can alwa}'S be seen from it 
without a glass. The Welsh side of the hill is a precipice, and the 
plateau and sloping land on the summit and other sides are large 
enough for two hundred thousand men to encamp upon. It is so 
elevated that the approach of the Welsh (or, rather, the ancient 
Britons driven into Wales) and the movements of the local Britons 
could have been watched for a very considerable distance. 

Since writing my observations upon the detour that the Icknield 
(Ackfield) Street makes to avoid the hills in Birmingham, I have met 
with Mr. Cossins, the architect, who informs me that he once found 
a portion of this road in a garden in or near Chad Valley, and that 
some other portion had been found in gardens of the late Mr. James. 
This confirms my observations in Chapter I. as to the route this road 
took. If anyone will traverse the district a little and carry his eye 
along the contour lines of the elevated lands, he will find that a 
route exists from the Bar or encampment at Oldford to the Selly Wick 
Harborne Station by passing over one hill only. It runs on the side of 
the hill not far from the back of St. George's Church, Edgbaston, over by 
the south-east corner of Chad Valley, near the Somerset Road Station, 
and then to some extent follows the route of the canal and West 
Suburban Eailway to Selly. The great marvel, however, is that the 
Romans should have discovered this route and the naturally protected 
fording place on the Tame, at Oldford, when the whole district was 
covered with gigantic timber. When writing my first chapter, the 
thought struck me that the ford (Oldford, Perry Barr) might have 



233 

been protected in some way, so I visited the spot the next day for 
the purpose of ascertaining this ; and finding that it was so, I casually 
mentioned the fact to my friend Mr. Palmer, and, on our spreading 
out the Ordnance Map, found, to our great delight, that his Perry 
Barr coins were actually dug up on the edge of the west side of the 
encampment when the foundations of one of the new houses near 
Perypont were being excavated. There is, I see, a road or lane 
leading direct from the foot of the Beacon on the south-east side to 
the Icknield Street. From point to point this road is but about two 
thousand yards in length. At the early stage of the Soman occupa- 
tion, pickets would be stationed upon the Beacon with materials for 
fires, and at night others would traverse or patrol this road. It is 
stated in the local guides that King's Standing is an artificial mound. 
There is a little artificial mound, with iron hurdles around and shrubs 
upon it, close to the present road ; but the place pointed out to me 
as King's Standing, viz. : the mound or elevated ground, with some 
firs upon a portion of it, appears to me to be natural, and to have 
been used as a fort for the protection of this road from out the 
Icknield Street to the Beacon. I could not go upon it, as the land 
was in crop, but I feel quite certain it is as I say. There is a farm 
house, called half-way house, situated about equi-distant between Oldford 
and King's Standing, and at the back of this house there are some 
hills, the crests of which have evidently been scarped for the purpose 
of retiring to occasionally for defence. When standing in the little 
valley between these hills and Qucelet this is particularly noticeable. 
This is an outlandish name — Qucelet. Queese is a local name for wood 
pigeon, and the latter syllable, et or let, seems French. It may be 
a corruption (through the Norman-French) of Quintaine. The district 
between and about Wall and Bar is and was a most commanding one. 
I cannot but think that the general of the Roman forces must have 



234 

resided in this pre-eminently important locality ; at least, during the 
early stages of the occupation. With the chariots then in vogue, 
messages and dispatches from such a centre could be sent and received 
daily and hourly to and from the remotest confines of the country. 
They were renowned for chariots and horsemen, as well as for good 
roads. With the mind's eye I see them now. 

" Look once more ere we leave this specular mount ! 
What conflux issuing forth or entering in — 
Praetors, pro-consuls — to their provinces. 
Hasting, or on return, in robes of state, 
Lictors and rods — the ensigns of their power, 
Legions and cohorts, turms of horse and wings." 

" That wise and civil Eoman, Julius Agricola, who governed once 
here for Cassar," ah ! and, perhaps, even the (as to style) inimitable 
Tacitus, may have been observed traversing these roads from the 
" Beekin " and Bar " Commin " as they are now vulgarly called. 

Looking upon all the great roads (with their stations) as lines of 
circumvallation in case of invasion during the early occupation of the 
country, the central position of Wall (as all the other roads, either 
by themselves or by their advance lines, converge there) was rendered 
most commanding. No portion of any of the other Eoman roads, or 
any place upon them, could by any possibility be so interesting and 
important as the Grand Junction Station at Wall ; at least, until the 
country had been thoroughly subjugated and settled, and to me none 
are so interesting now. Even Wroxeter, which was not nearly so 
important a site, had its temple, theatre, villas, baths, and every 
luxurious appliance. From such a grand centre as Wall the Caledonians 
could be kept at bay, or " tickled up," as the case required, by 
moving forces along and concentrating them at the north end of the 
Icknield Street. By similar movements to the south end of the same 
road at Southampton, to the south-east end of the Watling Street in 
Kent, and to Chidiock in Dorsetshire, via Worcester, Gloucester, and Bath, 



235 

the southern coast was at once perfectly protected, and Ganl " waited 
upon and attended to," if requisite. A similar movement could as 
easily have been directed from the same centre towards Ireland, 
through Chester and Anglesea, and into North, South, and Mid Wales, 
via the Herming Street and other routes. I believe that at Chester- 
field, near Wall (as the name indicates), there was formerly a large 
and perfect Eoman fortress and city extending to Wall. The Danes 
were so exceedingly busy hereabouts, and the goodness of the land 
would ensure defacement and destruction by them and the Saxons 
together. 

I see by Plot's " History of Staffordshire " that Eoman remains 
have been found at Chesterfield. 

Eoman Coins 
In the possession op Shipley Feilding Palmer, Esq., Surgeon. 

There are three sets of coins — fifteen in the first set — and they were 
found in the west bank of the Eoman encampment I discovered at 
Oldford, at Perypont, on the Icknield Street. These bear traces of 
having been silvered. They are principally of Constantine, although 
one has, within a fillet, a head, helmeted, facing the left shoulder, and 
chest in armour, V E B S : E M A, and, within a fillet, Eomulus 
suckled by a wolf, above two stars, and beneath a crescent, P. L. 

Eoman Coins found at Wishaw. 
This place adjoins Wig-ings-hill and Cats Hill, both place names 
indicating battle. It is about four miles from the Watling Street, and 
a little more to the Icknield Street. They were in a small Eoman 
urn in the bank of a pit, and the urn had worked up by the treading 
of the cows going to water. More were found, and they passed into 
several hands. There are seven of Gallianus, two Victorinus, five 
Tetricus, six Claudius, eight, nine, and ten, uncertain. 



236 

Coins found in " Eoman-Field " of Ordnance Map 

Being on the Icknield Street, about equi-distant between King's Standing 
and Old-ford. They are of Domitian Trajan, Hadrian, Antonius Pius, 
Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Faustina, and Faustina, junior. 

" Dyke Path." 

I cannot dispel the delusion existing amongst some of our local 
wits as to this term of theirs and the place name Digbeth ; and I 
was about to perpetrate a bull by alleging that they are " all at sea " 
upon the subject ; whereas, in reality, they are " like a double Dutch- 
man floundering on a continent of mud." They now say that by this 
term they mean a causeway formerly existing in Digbeth, at the ford 
of the Pvea. Causeway is a bank, or raised way, and the exact 
reverse of a dyke or ditch. One a raised way, and the other an 
excavated channel. If the soil to make the causeway was excavated 
from the side of it, leaving a channel for the subsiding waters, the 
path would be called the causeway, or rather " corsey," and not the 
dyke path. Besides this, we have no evidence that, if such a cause- 
way existed, that it was effected by excavating by its side, instead of 
obtaining it from the hill near. They were generally raised in the 
latter way because less dangerous, as the water would back up into 
a ditch at all times. The ditch by the side of the causeway at Water 
Orton bridge is where the soil came from for the bank of the adjoining 
hedge, which is a very old one. 

Fords and bridges for foot and horse passage through and over 
rivers arose in this way. The place selected for fording was always 
where the bed of the river was shallow and had a stony or pebbly 
bottom. The banks of the river were cut out on each side to make 
a graduated descent to the water for the horse traffic. Foot passengers 
had light wood bridges, with hand rails, and raised roads or cause- 



237 

ways as approaches to them, on each side of the rivers, so that foot 
traffic was not stopped in time of floods. Horse traffic was, and 
driven to the nearest stone bridges. Hence that beautiful passage in 
Cowper as to the postboys crossing them. 

" Hark ! 'tis the twanging horn o'er yonder bridge 
That, with its wearisome but needful length, 
Bestrides the wintry flood." 

Some of these bridges are from four to five centuries old, and so 
exceedingly elegant that nothing, excepting by ludicrous contrast, can 
be compared with them in our days. There was one called Bole- 
bridge over the Anker, at Tamworth, spanning the bowl-shaped hollow 
between ifo^hall and the Market Place, but it is not so now, because 
— well, the modern Goths have been set to work at it. 

Beorm-ing-ham = Bosom-meadow-home. 

Kemble forged and his followers have circulated the idea of a 
(spurious) clan, sept, or tribe, named Berm, or Berming, manufactured by 
him for the sole purpose of accounting for such a place name as 
Birmingham. I not only refuse to 

"entertain the favoured fallacy," 

but flatly deny it. No such tribe ever existed ; neither is there one 
solitary instance of such a personal name as Berm, Berming, or anything 
like them to be found in the whole body of Anglo-Saxon or old 
English literature. The essence of Kemble's system seems to be this : 
to get at a place name he at once sets to work to manufacture a 
personal name that would give the place name. He never seems to 
think of taking a view of the physical aspects of a place to see if 
there is a probability of the name coming that way. Of Kemble's 
system, Mr. Kerslake, in " Notes and Queries " of 21st April, 1883, 
says : " It is believed that he became the parent of an enormous crop 
of errors in all his very distinguished followers. Mr. Freeman's error 



238 

lies in having too hastily joined the great majority who have accepted 
Mr. Kemble's canon." The theory of tribal heads giving names to 
places looks very pretty upon the face of it, but it will not bear 
the slightest scrutiny. In illustrating it he states that the tribe of 
Hilling (the Billingas he calls them, for he manufactures his own 
plurals also) are to be traced by place names in Beds, Durham, Kent, 
Lancashire, Norfolk, Northampton, Salop, Sussex, Isle of Wight, York, 
Middlesex, and Staffordshire. Here are twelve counties — north, south, 
east, west, and in the midlands. This is not all, for, by reference 
to the o-azetteer, it will be found that the elements of the place name 
Billing are to be found not only in almost every county of the 
country, but in several places in each county. Now this, coupled 
with the fact that no such chief or tribe as Billing is to be found 
in Anglo-Saxon or old English literature, ought to close for ever the 
pages of this author and his followers (at least, on this subject) against 
those who are engaged in honest and manly researches in the field of 
local etymology. At least ninety- seven per cent, of the names of his 
tribal chiefs are of his own manufacture, i.e., they are not to be found 
in the Anglo-Saxon charters he translated or elsewhere ; and, as to 
the remaining three per cent., there is not the slightest proof of any 
one of them ever having given name to a place. He surmises that 
nearly fourteen hundred place names containing the element ing in 
them are derived from tribal names, and these names he himself 
manufactures. In the few exceptional cases he himself admits of, I 
am sorry to say that a false rendering is given to bolster up his 
theory in the other cases, viz. : in his " Saxons in England," last 
edition, vol. i., p. 60 ; and note, he states that " Ethelwulfm^ lond " 
(Codex Diplomatics, No. 179, A. 801) is equivalent to Ethelwulfe's 
lond. It means more ; i.e., Ethulwulfe's meadow land. If his rendering 
is accepted, the syllable ing is superfluous and unmeaning. In the 



239 

same note lie states that " Wnliiafm^ tun is the dwelling of Wulflaf," 
thus again entirely overlooking the ing. It is Wulflaf's home in the 
meadow. He is wrong again on page 63. His Wylfmy-a-ford, is 
simply the ford in the meadow of Wolf. He seems to ignore the 
Anglo-Saxon ing = a meadow, altogether. The Teutons and Anglo-Saxons 
never gave their personal names to places, i.e., districts. They gave 
name to habitations and precise spots, such as Offa-low, Wulfer's home- 
ton = Wolverhampton, Dudley, &c, which afterwards became large 
districts. The same rule was observed by the Normans. Percy, 
Devereux, and others, all first appear with the " de," indubitably 
showing that they were named after places. The same was observed 
by the early English counts and viscounts, and, as for our brand new 
barons and earls they are obliged to do so by law. Dr. Charnock, 
who is nearly orthodox upon the subject, admits that ninety-five per 
cent, of the place names with ing in them are from ing=a meadow. 
His work on " Local Etymology " is far superior to anything else of 
the kind, and his numerous contributions to " Notes and Queries " are 
equally good, and will be much consulted some day. I do not believe 
that ing was ever used as a patronymic at all. I do not recollect 
the slightest appearance of its ever having been so used. The case of 
Edgar Atheling, if we look into it, is not at all a case in point. 
If ing here had been a patronymic, it would be Edgaring. Ing in 
Edgar Atheling is not a patronymic, but simply a diminutive or suffix 
in his title. Athel is from Saxon cedel, athel = noble, illustrious, well 
bred ; and the term was applied to Edgar as " of the royal line," in 
contradistinction to Harold II., who was simply a son of Earl Godwin. 
These modern philologists are immeasurably behind the best old authors, 
such as Milton, in his prose works, and Spelman and Selden. The 
latter draws attention to the case of Edgar Atheling ; " of the blood 
royal." " Prince of the blood " is its equivalent in our days. As to 



240 

Atheling, Edhilingus, Edhilingi, &c, having reference to titles only, see 
also Nithard's Hist : lib : 4. We have in reality no patronymics, 
excepting such as Johnson, Fitzwilliam, and Morrison, &c. Kemble's 
error no doubt arose from Professor Bosworth having in his Anglo- 
Saxon Dictionary, published nine years previously, carelessly followed 
the beaten track of precedent, and classed two ings in Anglo-Saxon — 
one a patronymic, or son of (as hitherto supposed), and the other a 
meadow. Dr. Bosworth was a great authority, but this was evidently 
done without thought or examination of the matter. Ing in Maning 
is the most plausible name, as apparently confirming such a construction ; 
but, even in this case, it is much more likely to be Man-ing, the 
Man's meadow, as Manson, like Johnson, would be the true patronymic. 
The late Professor of Anglo-Saxon has more than once told me that 
some of his conclusions and renderings were of course only conjectural. 
This case of using the Anglo-Saxon ing as a patronymic is different. 
He did not start it, but thoughtlessly followed a rotten precedent. It 
would be interesting to discover which of the old geese first committed 
the blunder of supposing the ing in Edgar Atheling to be a patronymic 
in his name, instead of a suffix in his title. He it was who first 
engendered the muddle, and in a similar way to the case of " Cerdic's 
Shore," as will appear presently. The foregoing charters and deeds 
clearly show cases in which a family named Cooper take their surname 
from the trade of that name, and of two families, named respectively 
Hay and Somerland, taking their surnames from places bearing those 
names. There are numberless similarly recorded cases of the change, 
by way of patronymic, from Mac and Fitz, and from John to Johnson, 
&c, but I defy anyone to point out a single Jcnoimi change, by way 
of patronymic, in ing. 

The opinions of Kemble respecting the " mark, 1 ' or boundaries of 
properties in early Anglo-Saxon times, are equally fallacious. He writes 



241 

of them as though the heathen Saxons, who treacherously treated the 
poor Britons, and conquered and retained this country, were accom- 
panied in their expedition by such a staff as Moltke, or the late 
Sir Henry James, of the Ordnance Survey Department, would have 
brought over to plot and map out the country. There is not the 
slightest foundation for even a tithe of the elaborate superstructure he 
has raised in praise of the so called marks. These heathen Saxons 
were a set of the greatest savages. Their very name is taken from 
a dagger, or short sword, " an instrument for stabbing," and there is 
every reason to believe that all the early allotting of the land in 
the country by them was performed in a most hap-hazard st}de. 

Solihull. 

The etymon of this place name establishes the wisdom of the 
rule laid down by Max Mliller in derivation, viz. : to see first what 
can be made of the present spelling, and then go to the oldest known 
mode of spelling. Nothing can be made of the present spelling, twist 
it how we may. Hull is from Saxon, and meant a cover or husk 
originally ; afterwards the body of a ship. Sol is Latin for the sun ; 
and such an element is never used in the place names of England, 
excepting a slight particle coming in occasionally through the Norman- 
French. Bath was called Aqua Solis by the Romans ; but this name 
like many others, as previously explained, could not get transmitted to 
us for want of linguists to do it. The old spelling I remember- per- 
fectly well was Sillhill, and it is so called now by many elderly 
people. This, with one legitimate vowel change, gives us the actual 
spelling as first used, which was Anglo-Norman, viz. : Salle-hill = the 
hall on the hill, and Solihull Old Hall is so situated. The contour 
of Solihull hamlet is comparatively flat, but not quite so. The site 
of the old hall is as near the summit of the hill as it well could 

E 



242 

be to get water into the moat (part of which still remains), and the 
ground falls gradually from there to the church and the other shoulder 
of the hill, leading down to Berry Hall. This name Sail-hill = hall on 
the hill, was doubtless given in contradistinction to the low-lying 
Berry Hall, and Balsall=Bowl-Salle, in the low-lying bowl-fashioned 
meadows, where the Anglo-Saxon hall of Balsall was situated. On 
reference to the " Eegister of the Gilde of Knowle," which commence 
AD. 1407, the earliest spelling is Sullhill. This is but one vowel 
change from the original spelling. In this register I also found that 
the oldest spelling of Kenilworth is Kyllingworth. This tends to 
confirm what I have advanced, that Keelingworth is the very oldest 
spelling. Under the head of Solihull, Dugdale adopts his usual mode 
of treatment, viz. : inserts the name, Hies off tangentially, seizes a " de " 
related to some other " de " whose pedigree he has " made," and 
finishes with the name of a subscriber. He says nothing comparatively 
about the parish and old hall, although he must have found frequent 
mention of them in his researches. The hall and estate belong to 
H. H. Chattock, Esq., who tells me that he has the old charters and 
deeds of the property, but I have not had an opportunity yet of 
examining them, but hope to do so. This place name where found 
spelt Sululey (as is supposed) was only a lea, ley, or meadow of 
Sill(sall)hill Hall. Balsall is found Beausalle in Domesday. This is 
owing to the Norman-French scribe not understanding the Anglo-Saxon 
Boll — bowl-shaped site — it had, and he called it the Fair Hall or Salle ; 
afterwards, however, when the Anglo-Saxon obtained the supremacy, the 
first syllable was recovered and retained — Bahd\\. 

Beacons. 

I have stated that Bacon's End, near " Hill Bickenhill," was 
formerly Beacon End, and that a beacon probably existed upon the 



243 

summit of the hill above Chemsley Wood near there. The Castle 
Hills at Castle Bromwieh and Hodge Hill were probably also used for 
this purpose. Bar Beacon is visible from these places, but from Bicken- 
hill it is not. Sheldon and Mackidown hills intercept the view. Bacon, 
or Beacon End, and Hill Bickenhill were, no doubt, intermediate places 
for signalling. Coke, in his 4th Inst : chapter xxv., says that " Beacons 
had watches regularly kept at them, and horsemen called hobbelars 
were stationed by most of them to give notice in the day time of an 
enemy's approach when the lire would not be seen." See also Camden's 
Britannica, edition 1789, vol. i., page 173. Other old authors state 
that these hobbelars held by military service, i.e., kept hobby horses, 
and used them for this service. Singularly enough, near to Bacon's 
End (in fact, it now forms part of Bacon's End Farm), there is a 
Hob Hall, so called, although there is nothing but a cottage there 
now. It is marked " Hob " on the Ordnance Map. I have not 
examined it for many years, but I remember tracing the outlines of 
a moat. It is very near to the moat at Burton's in the Wood, 
Bratingbarrow, and Kingshurst Hall. I see that the old moat at 
Odensels, near Olton, is also called Hobs on the Ordnance Map. This 
place may have been occupied by Hobelars for a similar purpose. It 
is about two miles from Bickenhill. 

Pedimore Hall. 

I have recently visited this most interesting spot again. It is 
very similar to the Hay Hall moat of Ordnance Map in the hamlet 
of Castle Bromwieh. The double moat at Pedimore, although perfect, 
has the outer moat deeper and wider on the north side as the other 
has. The dimensions of the island were the same before the Haye 
Hall moat was mutilated for trolling purposes, as before stated. The 
foundations of Pedimore are all large red sandstone up to a very fine 



244 

plinth, and, no doubt, are original ; but the first hall was evidently 
larger, as the present one is erected at one end of the island, leaving 
space for it to have been as large again. The superstructure of the 
present erection appears of the date of temp. Elizabeth, though there is 
an inscription on a stone over the door that appears older. It runs 
thus : DEVS-NOSTEK-REFY0IVM (God is our refuge). 
This, over the door of a double-moated residence, sounds rather like 
" Fear God, and keep your powder dry." I say it not irreverently, 
but, of course, the author of this laconic label was a good Christian ! 
He believed that " faith without works is dead." 

Aston Eegistees. 
Besides the items as to Shackspeare and Sadler, &c, I found in 
these registers entries of the burials of the soldiers killed in the attack 
on Aston Hall ; that one of the Holden's and several other people 
were married before " Justice Willington ; " in 1621 occur Arden 
Thornton and Devereux Thornton ; in 1646 a John Farmer, of Brom- 
ford Forge ; in 1646 Richard Chatwin, of Washwood Heath ; in 1642 
Ann and T. Bosworth, of Castle Bromwich ; A. Chattin, of Saltley, 
mentioned in 1676 ; and in 1656 bans of marriage between Sed^ewick 
and Higginbotham, of Aston parish, published " at the Crosse, in 
Birmingham, and married before Justice Hunt." The " Bromwich " 
family were located there so late as A.D. 1636. 

Castle Beomwich Mill. 
The tradition respecting the old mill having been in the large 
meadow, between the railway and the moat, in the rear of the present 
mill, came through Mr. Z. Twamley, who lately occupied the present 
mill. He is between eighty and ninety years of age. His father and 
grandfather also occupied it before him, and they, too, both lived to 
a good old age. The diversion of the river is distinctly observable, 



245 

and, in fact, shown upon some old plans. The first mill was, doubtless, 
worked in the way I described in a previous chapter, as there are 
no signs of an old mill pond. The brickwork to be seen at low 
water, opposite the moat, must have been where the present weir first 
stood, and was afterwards removed to the present site. The " Castel 
of the King " was certainly upon this old moat, and of Saxon origin. 
As it appears one of the Devereux family resided in Castel Bromwich 
previous to the erection of the present hall. It may have been at 
this old castle, or Park Hall, during the residence of the Ardens at 
one of their other places. No other place in the hamlet would have 
suited them. 

Copy Assessments op which the Headings only are given in Fore- 
going Abstracts. 

A.D. 1G79. Levy made for Castle Bromwich. Bromwich Hall 
Estate, £5 ; Chattock's Hay, £3 3s. ; Park Hall, £3 ; Ed d - Sadler, 
£1 4s. 6d. ; W. Burton, F. Briskoe, W. Piggott, Jo. Ward, £1 Is.; 
W. Kolhram, H. Smith, T. Undrill, £1 7s. ; C. Adcock, Jo. Thornton, 
Eic. Sadler, lis. ; Bolmore Land, Simon Waldron, W. Sadler, £2 6s. ; 
Luckus J. Whatcoeks, Is - Sadler, 8s. 6d. ; T. Weston, W. Brooks, 
W. Saunders, J. Rogers, J. Forster ; W. Orton's land, E. Smith, W. 
Day, W. Jurdan : for the Blounce Hill, H. Caber, Chris 1 '- Warde ; 
Cowmore, Jas. Comsson, Widow White, T. Leake, W. Ellson, W. Hal], 
E, Goulde, W. Waldron, J. Vale, J. Foster, J. Enrrotte, J. Masefield, 
T. Swift, Wm. Sadler ; for Hall Hays and Bratting Barrow, Sir Jo. 
Bridgeman and Wm. Sadler ; for Oxclose, 7s., Hum fry Pearson, Town 
House, W. Cater, W. Brooks ; for Little Holms, T. Spenser. 

A.D. 1681. Levy for Castle Bromwich for the Train Bands, at 
|d., |d., and Id. in the £. The names in this levy are the same, 
excepting the following omissions and additions. Bromwich Hall Estate 



246 

is left out, and there are added a T. Sadler, W. Powell, J. Aucher 
(Archer), Widdow Eagles, Jo. Thornton ; for Barebones Farm, Rowland 
Bracebridge. 

A.D. 1694. Levy for J. Hadley, overseer of Castle Bronrwich. 
See Chapter II. A.D. 1694 as to Bridgeman's, Chattock, and Park Hall. 
New names are: J. Banner, W. Dolphin, J. Thornton, Jan., W. Ward, 
of Sheldon, T. Lea, Lambert's Croft, Captain Bagott, for Little Holms ; 
J. Thornton, for Barebones Land ; W. Bilson, Marson, T. Nightingale, 
Jo. Folden, for Davenport's Farm ; Is - Sadler, for Hall Hays and Bratting 
Barrow; J. Knight, W. Everett, J. Berry, H. Goldingay, T. Greenall, 
Sir Jo. Bridgeman, for W. Foster's Meadow. 

Water Orton. Humfry Jennins, T. Homer W. Bull's Farm, Walter 
Butler, W. Blyth, W. Fisher, Gees land, Eic. Wilcox, J. Harris, J. 
Burton, G. Ford's Farm, W. Barrow, J. Hancox, Jo. Cottrell, G. Hall, 
T. Lingard, J. Mumford, Mr. Mayon, J. Hawley, J. Eeads. Aug. 8th, 
1694, All d - Eic. Verney, Jo. Clopson. 

A.D. 1700. Levy for Thornton and Chattock for Castle Bromwich. 
Bromwich Hall Estate, £1 10s. ; Chattock's Hay, £1 3s. ; Park Hall, 
£1 Is. New names, &c, are : T. Snape, S. Vincent, T. Phillips, 
J. Palmer, E, Bracebridge, for Barebone's Land ; Is 0, Sadler, for Hall 
Hays and Brattin Barrow. The " Severns " mentioned ; Barnes' meadow, 
Ed. Kenley, T. Stringer ; " Mr. Powell every 5 months a pony ; Sir Jo. 
Bridgeman, for W. Foster's meadow. 

Water Orton. Similar to last, with these added : W. Murcott, 
Eulf Morris. Allowed, Basil Feilding, Ch a Newsham, J. Andrews, 
W. Palmer, Symon Biddulph. 

A.D. 1700. Levy for Jo. Chattock for Castle Bromwich and Water 
Orton. Same as last, with these added, viz. : Mr. Jennens, or tenants, 
Digby, Hancox. Signed Thos. Homer. Allowed Aug. 14th, W. Palmer, 
J. Andrews. 



247 

A.D. 1727. Levy for Mr. Willmott, churchwarden for Aston, 1727. 
The following are the variations in comparison with previous levy, viz. : 
Bromwich Hall Estate, £7 6s. ; Chattock's Hay, £i 10s. ; Park Hall, 
£4 6s. ; Mr. Cooper, Abr m - Marshall, Hall Hays and Brattin Barrow ; 
I). Willmott, Josa Bull, Eowland Brasebridge, for Barebone's Farm ; 
Mr. Jesson's Farm. 

A.D. 1733. Levy for Jo. Chattock for Castle Bromwich Highways, 
£d. in £. Bromwich Hall Estate, 10s. ; Chattock's Hay, 6s. 6d. ; Wilson 
(for Park Hail), 6s. ; W. Perkins, Mary Thornton, Mrs. Wenden, Mr. 
Freeman, Sadler, for Hall Hays and Brattin Barrow ; T. Bloxham. 
Barebones again mentioned ; Is 0, Milner, J. Middleton, Hy. Standley, 
Mr. Scott's Farm, Jon" Toney, W. Pilson, E. Hodgskens. Dec. 19, 1733, 
Allowed, J. Bridgman, W. Sadler, Bow d - Brasebridge, C. Wilgh, Ed. 
Leake, T. Sadler, D. Willmott, Jos. Waldron, Jo. Cator. 

A.D. 1736. Levy for Jo. Chattock for Water Orton. Sam Dutton, 
Ed d - Heawood, T. Tonkison, Mr. Smallwood, Mr. Hanks, Mr. Hargrave, 
Mr. Bosard (Bosworth), Jas. Low, Jo. Birch, W. Wathew, Mr. Fancken- 
bridge. Signed, Sam Dutton, Pic. Fanckenbridge, Digby Scott. Aug., 
1736, Allowed, Hy. Greswold, Tho. Abell. 

A.D. 1736. Levy for Jo. Chattock for Castle Bromwich and Water 
Orton. Bromwich Hall Estate, 19s. 2d. ; Chattock's Hay, 12s. 6d. ; 
Park Hall, lis. 8d. ; Mr. Hadley, Mill and Farm, 5s. lOd. ; Is c - and 
Wm. Sadler, and land called The " Severns." Sadler had Hall Hays 
and Brattin Barrow. Powell's land is here charged a " peny," Mr. 
Pemberton. May 24th, 1736, Allowed, Jo. Bridgeman, W. Sadler, 
Eow d - Bracebridge, Ed. Leake, sen. and jun., T. Sadler, J. Snape, 
W. Kanley, J. Waldron, J. Knight, T. Willmott, 

EOMAN EOADS. 

There has been such trifling, such distortion of facts, and so many 
"jumpings to conclusions," by the old writers upon this subject, that 



248 

I must confess to a feeling of nausea and hopelessness in approaching 
it, To show what a perfect muddle they have engendered and propa- 
gated amongst their followers, I will give a ([notation or two from 
" standard works," viz. : the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," and Plot's 
" Staffordshire." 

" Icern," " the ancient name of the people of Suffolk, Norfolk, 
Cambridgeshire, and Huntingdonshire." 

" Way " (Eoman). " Hickenild or Ikenild Street stretches from South- 
ampton, through Newbridge, Camden, Lichfield, and Derby, to Tinmouth." 

" Ickenild Street " " is that old Eoman highway, denominated from 
the Icenians, which extended from Yarmouth to Norfolk, then to Burley, 
in Herts (giving name to Ickworth, Icklingham, and Ickleton), then on 
to Ikleford, Tring, and Goring, to the West of England." 

The foregoing quotations will be found in the third edition of the 
" Encyclopaedia Britannica " under the heads I have given. 

To mend the matter, Plot, in his " Staffordshire," states that there 
must have been two different tribes of the Iceni in different parts of 
the country at the same time. This is like the question of " Cerdic's 
Shore." One old goose fabricates a fallacy, and all the others follow, 
and swear by him. I have not thoroughly thrashed out the subject 
yet, but I can already see that old Master Camden was the first 
delinquent, Plot followed him as an apologist, and that Stukeley was 
the most stupid. There is no doubt whatever but that the old writers 
upon this subject hastily visited the different roads, formed off-hand 
opinions respecting them, and at once proceeded to twist all known, 
and fabricate new theories, to chime in with their crude and ill- 
conceived ideas. 

Even the very names, as well as the location of the various tribes 
of Britons, are purely conjectural ; that is, approximate correctness is 
out of the question considering the circumstances. Caesar and his scribe, 



249 

and Agricola and his Tacitus, would take down the name of the tribe, 
and carelessly too, no doubt, after each successful contest from the 
mouths of captives. The location of each tribe in the country was by 
subsequent writers guessing the route Caesar and Agricola took in 
pushing the aboriginals into Wales and Anglesea. This is all we have. 
Guess work. I have made use of the term British track, but I do 
not think that the trackways of the Britons were made by wheels, for 
I do not for a moment believe that they had any vehicles. With the 
exception of the Eoman ways, no roads would be made in this country 
until the Saxons became thoroughly settled and commenced cultivating ; 
and theirs would be mere occupation roads made zigzag fashion, and 
which ultimately became joined together to reach each village or little 
town as it arose. What cultivation the Bomans made the Britons 
perform for their own benelit would be adjoining the Eoman roads 
and such cultivation would not require any other kind of roads. The 
so called " Salt Ways " we see marked on old maps, and which 
generally lead to London, are all delusions. The population of those 
early days was so small, and the use of salt was so trifling, that no 
roads could be formed by or for such traffic. Besides, London was 
not the earliest capital. Winchester is several centuries older. The 
Saxon word wic (sometimes corrupted to wich, wych, and wick) always 
meant a station, and never meant a salt house, bend in a river, or 
bay of the sea, although stations, Eoman or Saxon, have been made 
on all those kind of sites. The supposition that the before-mentioned 
road from Yarmouth to Ickworth, Icklingham, Ickleton, and Ickleford, 
is so called after the Iceni is perfect childishness. Every one of those 
place names is evidently from Ack=oak. When the Christian Saxons 
had learned to write, and were determining how they should name 
Icknield=Ackvield Street (from Southampton to Tynmouth), they could 
see that it was almost wholly through the felled oaks, and they would, 



250 

as they always did, go straight to the point and call it so. This 
would be no difficult point to determine, when high hanging forest 
trees stood on either side the road for perhaps forty miles without a 
break. Any way, it will be as easy to determine as a road over either 
meadows, gorse, broom, fern, or heather. The loss of fifty thousand 
men in a few years in timber falling, &c, as stated by the Eoman 
historians, is thus easily accounted for. Sutton Coldfield was not so 
called till all the timber was felled. Eicknield is merely a corruption. 
I hope in my Second Series of Antiquities to go more fully into the 
subject of Eoman roads. I do not believe that one per cent, of the 
place names given by the old authors to the stations upon them are 
correct. All the names of these stations, or the present sites of them 
rather, must necessarily be Saxon. Neither Britons, Picts, Scots, nor 
heathen Saxons, could transmit the Latin names to us by writing. It was 
more than seven hundred years from the first invasion of Caesar, and 
at least six hundred years from the making of the Icknield Street, to 
the time when the first Christian Saxon scholar in Mercia could write 
the name of it. The present names of the sites of the several stations 
on the wall of Severus are an apropos, and curious instance of this. 
The stations are eighteen in number, and of these such is the dis- 
similarity of the Latin and present names that there is only one instance 
of the Latin and English name having the same initial letter. There 
is not one instance of their having the same meaning. One (Carraw- 
brugh) is semi-Saxon ; one (Carrvoran) is Celtic ; one (Boulness) is semi- 
Saxon and Danish ; and the remaining fifteen out of the eighteen names 
are pure Saxon. The stations on this short Eoman way (sixty-eight 
miles), and running parallel with this wall, is the only instance in 
which we can judge with certainty as to the Latin names, because it 
is the only case in which those who gave the English names had a 
known point to commence and to terminate with. 



251 

The so called " de " Birmingham Family. 
Tories allege that radicals dearly love a lord (even of a manor), 
and I think that there must be some truth in the charge, as it is 
the only way in which I can account for the fuss made by them 
respecting this family. I cannot understand Dugdale being so elaborate 
in the manufacture of this pedigree, excepting that, as his account of 
Birmingham comes in towards the end of his work, he had so " got his 
hand in " whilst " enshrining " country squires as to be unable to 
discontinue his canonization work in this. That several individuals in 
or from Birmingham should rise to eminence during the long period 
between the Conquest and the reign of Edward IV. (a period of 
four hundred years), when surnames first arose, is nothing to be won- 
dered at, but because they hailed from Birmingham, and would 
consequently be called de Birmingham, it is childishness to suppose that 
they were all related to each other. Dugdale, in his account of the 
action against the inhabitants of King's Norton, states that the lord of 
the manor of Birmingham put in a plea " that his ancestors (for so 
the pleadings call them) had a market before the Norman Conquest ; " 
and yet at the commencement of his story he states that this market 
was first conceded by Henry II. I should like to see these pleadings. 
These ancestors were simply his predecessors in the rights of the manor, 
which, like all other manors, was frequently open to purchase. Besides, 
it could not be a manor " before " the Conquest, as manors were not 
constituted until just after that event. He alleges that a " Sir Hen : 
de Birmingham was uncle to a Fouk de Birmingham," without any 
proof but heraldry, which is no proof at all. He produces not the 
slightest evidence worthy of the name as to the consanguinity of the 
Irish and English de Birminghams. I should not be surprised at finding 
(if it was worth going into) that some of the " Sir " de Birminghams 
were priests. I can give but one other extract from this nauseous 



252 



(waddle. It has been well said that truth is stranger than fiction ; 
and if the following is true, it certainly beats Thackeray's " Jeame's 
Diary;" viz.: "Who were founde to he cousins and heirs of the before- 
specified Sir Jo : de Birmingham. Hoivbeit the inherit ence of this lord- 
ship was by some entail (as it seems) settled upon the heir male of 
the family, viz. : another William de Birmingham, son of William, 
son of (if I mistake not) John, uncle to the before-mentioned Sir ~Fulk!' 
Lords (of manors), have mercy upon us ! Pedigree-mongers, never do ! 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Notes as to Marmion, and Montfort Families ; Records of Early 
Anglo-Hebrew Christians ; and Unique Case of Ownership and 
Occupancy by one Family of Alodium, Franc Alond, or Free 
Land, from the Conquest. 

" Those fenceless fields the sons of wealth divide, 
And e'en the bare worn common is denied." — Goldsmith. 

The subject of a portion of this chapter is such that the matter 
must necessarily be exceedingly personal, as the author's family and 
property happen to form the ground work, or essence, of it. Here, 
then, apology, must be and is made for introducing and obtruding it 
upon the reader. To me it is not only the singularity of the case 
that renders it so peculiarly interesting, but the proofs surrounding 
and upholding it clearly show how requisite it is to be up and doing 
something towards effecting an equitable division of what yet remains 
unenclosed of the wild woods, green lanes, and heath-covered plains, 
yet traceable upon the fair face of our dear mother country. They 
are, even according to the jargon of the old common law, " common 
and commonable lands." Let us see to them ! If they must needs 
be enclosed, let it be done equitably. 

The author has not the slightest belief in pedigrees, or, rather, 
he believes that even the best of them are very useless and deceptive, 
and that a very great per centage of the contents of the pedigrees 
manufactured by our heralds, genealogists, and county historians, are 
pure fiction. Moreover, that there may be some families with very 
fair-looking pedigrees, and of decent historic renown, who can challenge 
the world to point out a case of one of their name ever having been 
hung, but at the same time they cannot themselves prove that none 



254 

of them have not, or that a great many of them did not deserve to 
be ; whereas other families, who have had several members perhaps 
" go off during a tight rope performance " (as the Irishman called 
the hanging of his brother), may, considering the then state of the 
law, have lost many innocent ones. Such is the author's opinion of 
pedigree. Nothing in it. 

In substantiating this claim to an " unique ownership and occu- 
pancy of free land from the Conquest," I will commence with our 
own period and work upwards. In the first place, then, I must refer 
my reader to the present and recent assessments of the hamlet of 
Castle Bromwich, then to the last of the charters and deeds, viz. : 
that of 1825. This is about the date that the Tithe Commutation Map 
and Reference Book were made, in and upon which he will find the 
name of the family and property. About this time, also, the Govern- 
ment Ordnance Survey and Map was made, upon which he will see 
the present Hay Hall or House marked, as also the Hay Hall Moat 
of the first residence, that is, the " messuage," alluded to in the 
charter of Richard II. in 1397, to "embattle." This moat is a double 
one on the north side and west end, and in the meadows, at the 
north-west corner, the garden and hemp pleck is still traceable. The 
island of the moat was, with the exception of a small circular portion 
in the centre, taken out to turn it into a pond for trolling in 1770, 
but the whole is in a pretty good state still, although an inefficient 
drain was taken through it about thirty years ago with a view to let 
all the water out of it. 

The allusions to either the property or family, or to both, in the 
deeds and documents from 1825 to 1695 are numerous. 

In the deed of 22nd July, 1695, it states: "and have long been 
reputed as part of the Antient Inheritence of the said Chattocks 
called the Hay ; " thus identifying the Hay as the " Antient Inheri- 











'■A 




/ffi^^Pirv^ft^a^^rm^^^ flft**U*/Q faulty &&» v^J^ of ^^^/iftz^W^fcr^ 



"fa W"ifof J^ > f^^W {Khh ^^> c$f&$fe^$^ 



itol 
















255 

tence." This deed is in my possession, but the one dated 23rd 
July (the next day) has " Antient Messuage " in it also. In 
deeds of 3rd and 4 th January, 1681, "Antient Messuages" and 
" Antient Inheritance " are applied to the Hay House and Hodge Hill 
Houses and Estates. The deed of 21st August, 1G75, has the term 
" Antient Inheritance" That of 28th May, 1670, has " (W)hoarstone 
field, between the Antient land of Inheritence on both sides." That 
of 1st May, 1668, has " Bucknoll field in Bucknoll End, late the 
Inheritence of Thomas Chattock, deceased." That of 29th of September, 
1665, runs thus: "All that Antient capital Messuage called the Hay 
House having long been the Antient Inheritence of Henry Chattock and 
divers others of his ancestors, and all the parcels of land usually used, 
occupied, reputed, and accepted, as part of the Chattock's said Antient 
Inheritence ; " and the Hodge Hill House Estate is included, and two 
of its fields, the Marsh and Newfield (Newhay), mentioned by name. 
That of 8 tli March, 1661, has "between Antient Inheritence on both 
sides," in describing four acres sold by Hen. Chattock in (W)hoarstone 
field. In will of 1st January, 1657, there is " Antient Land of 
Inheritence and Antient House in Castle Bromwich." That of 4 May, 
1646, has "Antient land of Inheritence in Hay End." In deed of 
16th April, 1618, by which the Stone House and Estate in Little 
Sutton (adjoining Bradnock Hay and Little Hay) is sold by the family 
similar terms are used as to inheritence. Those of 10 March, 1630, 
and 15 May, 1649, have the terms " his own free land " applied to 
the estate, and the " (W)hoarstone iield and Chattock's Hodge " as part 
of it. These dates are long prior to 12th Charles II., when tenancies 
in capite were abolished. The Estate in Little Sutton, adjoining Brad- 
nock Hay and Little Hay (where there is a Little Hay Hall), is first 
mentioned in these charters in tern. Edward VI. ; and in deed of 3rd 
April, 1569, it says in describing it "which doe apertayne and belonge 



256 

to a tenemente of John Chattock, of Castel Bromwich, being his 
Inheritance." That of 1st July, 1659, states of the " Hurste field" as 
' ; also of late the Inheritence of John Chattock, deceased, late father 
of the saiit Henry Chattock, and belonging to his Antient Messuage in 
Castle Bromwich." On this deed (which had evidently been tied up 
with some others) is an endorsement, thus — (These are deedes con- 
cerninge the sale of lands in Sutton and other places sold by our 
ancestors, the Chattocks). From these dates to 8th Henry IV. charters 
with the names of the family and at least some field of the pro- 
perty in them frequently occur. The deed of that date, 1407, has 
" Thomas Chattock, of Castle Bromwich, lord of the Hay." Then we 
have the Hon : Chattock, of Okie Hay and Hay End in permission 
to embattle of 20th Ric. II., A.I). 1397. The property is called the 
Oldehay in charter of 1259, and "the Old Hay"' and " Oldhaymore " 
occur in several of the earliest charters, and the Haii (the Norman- 
French form) in 1171 A.D. in the first charter. This Hugh of the 
Haii (the last witness in the attestation clause) is some occupier of a 
portion of the Hay then given up to cultivation. The Hodge Hill 
House Estate — " Chattock's Hodge " as it is frequently called in the 
deeds — can be identified as forming part of the Hay originally by deeds 
of 15 May, 1649, and others, and by charter of 8 Ric. II. A.D. 1385, 
in which the field " Marsh " occurs. This same field and the Cony- 
gree (of which presently) still form part of the estate (see Parish Plan 
with reference book). 

The site of the present and, consequently, of the old original 
church formerly belonged to the Chattocks, and formed part of the 
Hay. The living is a donative (see Liber Regis), which " are seldom 
mentioned in Diocesan Records," as Eyton says in his " Salop," vol. viii. 
p. 237. See also " Notes and Queries," fourth series, vol. i., p. 343, 
and Eccleston's " Antiquities," p. 228. Donatives, free chapels, royal 



257 

peculiars, " were (see Gwin) founded by a king out of his antient 
demesne, or by a subject by his permission." In the books of the 
chapel warden's of Castle Bromwich for the year 1700 there is an 
entry thus : " Paid for a lace for Chattock's chancel." This entry is 
noted in Sharp's " Coventry Mysteries," p. 37, note, and in the eighth 
number of the " Warwickshire Antiquarian Magazine," p. 456 ; also, I 
believe, in a work on architecture called either " Glossary of terms in 
Architecture," " Dictionary of Architectural Terms," or, " Oxford Glossary 
of Architecture." I forget which. See also Burns on " Ecclesiastical 
Law " as to chancels. This church was rebuilt in 1717 (see date over 
the doors in the interior). In consideration of the Bridgemans (now 
Earls of Bradford) rebuilding the church, with the exception of some 
of the timber, hauling, and one of the bells, which has the name of 
Chattock on it, our family consented to change or use the four pews 
in the church, which now have the name of the family upon the 
doors, instead of, as formerly, the chancel pews. As is well known, 
the original proprietor of a chancel was always the real founder of 
the church or chapel, and always the actual owner of the site (see 
" Encyclopedia Britannica," under chancel and chapel). The site of 
this church, part of the Chattock's Have, was about the centre of it, 
for it is nearly equi-distant between Park Hall and Bromford, its 
eastern and western extremities. With respect to the date of the first 
church or chapel, Dugdale states that the inhabitants of Water Orton 
attended it previous to the erection of their own in 1346. In the 
foregoing charters it is mentioned in 29th Edward L. A.D. 1301. It 
is there called the chapel of Wody-Bromwig, as part of the hamlet 
was at one time called when it was coming into cultivation. It 
appears by this charter that the chapel was dedicated solely to the 
Virgin Mary then, but afterwards " St." Margarett was added. This 
lady, from what I recollect from a perusal of that quaint historical 

s 



258 

romance, " Butler's Lives of the Saints," was said to be the daughter 
of an idolatrous priest at Antioch, from which legend I expect that 
one of our ancestors was a " pious " crusader, and when some addition 
or alteration or " restoration " was made to the chapel, this " Saint's " 
name was added. She is said to have died A.D. 275, but did not 
become famous till the eleventh century. 1301 is nine years after the 
last crusade. The charter (which see) of 29th Edward I., A.D. 1301, 
whereby Alice of Stechford covenants to " keep a wax light and torch 
burning before the altar of the blessed Mary in the chapel of Wody- 
bromwich," having come into the possession of the Chattocks, shows 
that it was held by them to see that the covenant was kept and the 
office performed in their chancel or chapel. 

And now as to the extent of the Hay. Dugdale, little thinking 
of the admission he made in his account of Park Hall, says that " it 
was in the Haya of Bromwich," and then he resumes his customary 
strain of babble about the " old lords of Dudley," &c, giving it two 
distinct manorial names, viz. : " Manerium de la Logge," alias " Park 
Hall." Here I will divulge a secret. My reader, who, of course, loves 
antiquities, as all readers should do, may have met with these words 
in old deeds and works, viz. : " The manor, or reputed manor, of," &c. 
This peculiar phraseology originated in the following way : The old 
lawyers (I mean " the elder lawyers "), when drawing the conveyance 
for the purchase of a grange by a land-grabbing client, in order to 
please him and justify a stiff fee, inserted, or insisted upon having 
inserted, the words " manor, or reputed manor," if only the smallest 
piece of common, waste, roadside waste, sand, gravel, or marl pit, or 
stone quarry adjoined it, or lay anywhere near, then such an one, or 
his successor, as opportunity occurred, would appropriate and enclose 
them, claim all manorial rights and privileges, and, if action was taken 
against them, before the lapse of time gave them a title, they could, 



259 

by the peculiar wording of the clause, back out of the imputation of 
having claimed the rights of others. If, on the other hand, they held 
possession long enough to establish a title, the words " reputed manor " 
— and twenty-one years possession carried the manorial rights — and the 
words of the poet were verified as to one mode of effecting enclosures. 
In such a case the " aforesaid " grange would be dubbed a " capital 
messuage " (from caput, the head), and which would after this pass 
for a manor house. 

As surnames, with a very few exceptions, were unknown until 
temp. Edward IV., the fact of a John or Thomas, or anyone with a 
Christian name only, occurring as landowners in Arden (" de Arden " = 
of Arden), is no evidence at all as to any two of them being related 
to each other ; so that Dugdale's babblings about the Ardens inheriting 
such and such properties so early is all twaddle, for, according to his 
" de "ified theory (that is, if fully carried out), every soul living in 
the extensive district of Arden (and it extended to the Severn from 
High Cross) must have been of the family of the individual who at 
the time of the assumption of surnames took the name of Arden. 
Every individual in the vast district would be John or Thomas " de " 
Arden, or whatever else his Christian name might be, that is, if he 
had not been named after some small place within the district. As 
to the Turchill de Arden, and Turchill de Warwick, he gives, it was a 
common name enough. There was one of Dorset. It is a Danish 
name. He produces not the slightest evidence as to many of the early 
" de " Ardens' consanguinity. He is with them as with the " de " 
Birminghams, le Archers, and atte Holts. I have no patience to argue 
with such a writer. He did not understand the descriptive particle 
" de." What he says of the hamlet of Water Orton bears out my 
assertion as to the manufactory of these " reputed manors." His words 
are : " There is besides this another manor, at least, in reputation, 



260 

within the precincts of this hamlet." He calls Water Orton a manor, 
and then sets up another manor within it. The whole hamlet is not 
much larger than a good-sized farm. How could the manorial rights 
run together ? I must further dilate upon the monstrous muddle Dugdale 
has made as to Park Hall and the Ardens. He first states that it 
had belonged to the Ardens for three hundred years previous to his 
time, and that . " in 38th Edward III. it was situate in haya de Brom- 
wich." If it is correct to say that they held Park Hall so long, it 
could never have belonged to " the old barons of Dudley," for this 
" Hay of Bromwich," as I am proving, belonged to the Chattocks, and 
was never brought into the feudal system. As I shall next proceed 
to show, this Hay included most of the hamlet of Bromwich, but in 
course of time the grasping " old barons of Dudley," or their hench- 
men — " the elder lawyers," might, and perhaps did, get hold of some 
of the granges and properties sold by the Chattocks from their free 
land by the process I have described, viz. : dubbing them manors and 
reputed manors as they acquired them by purchase. The " old barons 
of Dudley" could not have held any land in Bromwich, excepting that 
outside the " free Hay," which would not be much. Previous to the 
erection of Bromwich Hall by the Devereux family, there was no 
residence upon the little property held by them in this hamlet. As I 
have stated, their seat was at Sheldon Hall. By reference to assess- 
ment of 1694, there is but 7s. 6d. difference in the amounts of the 
sums levied on the Bromwich Hall Estate and the Chattock's Hay. 
In the assessment for Train Bands, 1681, Bromwich Hall is omitted, 
Park Hall is rated (to Eowland Brasebridge I believe) at £1 2s., and 
the Chattock's Hay at £6 5s. This difference is owing to the Chattocks 
having then recently purchased most of the Devereux property. The 
present Hceg House, " Hay Hall " of the Ordnance Map, was erected 
in 1603, and Bromwich Hall some time after, so that even subsequent 



261 

to the erection of this new Hall of the Devereuxs Haye House, as in 
deed of 29th September, 1G65, and elsewhere, was described as "All 
that antient Capital Messuage called Hay House having long been the 
antient inheritence of Hen. Chattock and divers others of his ancestors." 
This term "capital messuage" is synonymous with chief manor houses 
caput messuagium. The king's castle of temp. Eic. II. had disappeared, 
and these early assessments show that at least eighty per cent, of the 
land in the hamlet belonged to yeomen and small freeholders, and 
about twenty per cent, only to the Devereuxs. The yeomen were 
Arden, Chattock, Ward, Sadler, and Thornton. We read in the writings 
of the pedigree-mongers that " Lord Ferrers, of Chartley, who was 
proprietor of Birmingham in the reign of Henry VIII., enjoyed this 
estate by marriage, and his granddaughter brought it to the Devereuxs 
of Sheldon ; " and here we see what it is worth. From this it would 
appear to have been a " goodlie " estate of some two thousand acres, 
whereas, when John Bridgeman, Esq., purchased it in 1657, it was but 
about three hundred acres. This hamlet may be a manor in " reputa- 
tion," as Dugdale conveniently expresses it, and no more. All our 
encyclopaedists assert that " capital messuage, or manse, mansion, and 
chief manor place, are synonymous terms. If your name, gentle reader, 
happened to be Forrest, or Forrester, and your family came from the 
New Forest, Hants, I could draw you as good a " de "ified pedigree 
from the Forest Eolls, &c, &c, as ever old pedigree-monger ever drew. 
The " Thomas de Arden, of Hanwell," mentioned on page 652 of 
Dugdale, is but some one of the name of Thomas without a surname 
who went from the district of Arden to Hanwell, and probably was 
not of the slightest affinity to the family who afterwards assumed the 
name of Arden. The same may be said of " Letitia, daughter of 
Siward de Arden, mentioned at p. 157, and as to Si ward being son 
to Turchill at p. 670. With a view to glorify the ancestor, and 



262 

gratify the vanity of a subscriber, he first essays to carry his pedigree 
up to Anglo-Saxon times, then falls back upon the period of the Con- 
quest, and afterwards muddles up its origin with a concubine of the 
conqueror's son. There were no doubt several people in and from the 
extensive district of Arden who assumed the name of that place when 
surnames were first used. The foregoing charters show a person with- 
out a surname being called " de Warwick " because he went from 
there to Castle Bromwich. 

I shall now proceed to show that the extent of the Haye was 
such originally as to preclude the possibility of there being much, if 
any, land " to view " in the reputed manor of Bromwich. As I have 
previously pointed out in notes on fac simile of Domesday, the woods 
or Forest of Coleshill were half a mile wider than Dugdale states. 
This would run them into the Park Hall woods, near Water Orton 
station, on the railway bank there, near to Bosworth's wood of the 
Ordnance Map. Erdington, of which Berwood Hall estate is part, 
adjoins Park Hall estate on the north of the river ; and of the Forest 
of Erdington it is stated in Domesday that one Peter held it ' ; f: in 
defenso regis e." 

This links Coleshill, Bromwich, and Erdington together as ro3^al 
demesne, with the Hay in the centre. The site of " Chattock's Chancel " 
is in the centre of this Hay. The deed of 1st May, 1668, in which 
the field at Buck Knoll End is said to have been " late the inheri- 
tence of Tho. Chattock," takes the Hay to the south-east corner of 
the hamlet. That of 29 Sep., 1665, in which it states that a certain 
field called the Marsh had, with others, u been long the Antient Land 
of Inheritence," &c. ; and that of 8 Eic : II., 1385, in which this 
same field, the Marsh, is also mentioned, clearly show, as they are 
still so called upon the Parish Plan, that it extended very nearly to 
the south-west corner of the hamlet. The farm called Wood Hays 



263 

Farm (it is not known by that name now, but such it is described 
in the title deeds) has one of its fields called the Hnrste-lield (still 
on parish plan), and this it states belonged to " the Antient Messuage 
of Jo. Chattock." This field and farm iill up the gap between the 
church and Park Hall. The Brockhurst field, Hey field (sometimes 
erroneously spelt High field), Two Cross fielde, and others so frequently 
mentioned in the earliest of these charters, extend the Hay to Ward 
End or Little Bromwich ; so that all these isolated enclosures, though 
not now in the present curtailed estate called the Hay, were so origin- 
ally, because they are stated to be so in the oldest charters and 
deeds, and can now be identified by the most recent plan of the 
parish. This leaves very little room for the " old lords of Dudley " 
to " lord it " about the hamlet without encroaching upon " free land." 
Adjoining the field called the Marsh there is a field called the Cony- 
gree. This curious old word has given rise to a little wordy war. 
It is mentioned early in one of the foregoing deeds, and is still 
called by the same name on the parish plan and in reference book. 
In " Notes and Queries," first series, vol. vii., p. 182, " Conyngers " 
are mentioned. At p. 241 a Conygry is said to be a " rabbit 
warren ; " and at p. 368 it is stated that Hamper, in the " Gentleman's 
Magazine" for October, 1808, p. 873, says, the Cony-gre, or rabbit 
ground, was a common appendage to a manor house ; but that Savage, 
in his " History of the Hundred of Carhampton," p. 440, says, Cony- 
gar seems to be derived from Anglo-Saxon cyning = king, and the 
Mcesogothic garas = a house — the king's house. In first series, vol. xii., 
p. 195, a Mr. J. Eastwood states that Coney-grees were originally 
portions of crown, lands, and quotes Throsby's Leeds" as to Coneyshaw 
=" king's grove." In third series, vol. viii., p. 258, it states that 
there are few old manor houses or monasteries to which there was 
not attached a coney-gree or rabbit warren. Bartlet, in his " History 



264 

of Mancetter," p. 130, states that there is a coney-gree there. All 
these learned lucubrations together establish the deductions I have 
drawn from the " Anglo-Saxon Chronicle," Eyton's " Salop " (who quotes 
literally from the "Public Eecords "), and other sources, as to the real 
origin of the word Hoey or Hay being a royal preserve for game in 
forests, and enclosed by hedge, from which they take name, i.e., noted 
game-lying grounds, or favourite resorts of game, were fenced round 
by hedges to prevent the roving quadrupeds from flushing the feathered 
and putting up or disturbing the other game ; hence the numerous 
coney -greens (which is the real " Bill's Ticker " name after all), hayes, 
buck woods, badger woods, or hursts, still found in ancient demesne, 
such as Brockenhurst, in the New Forest, and numerous other names 
indicating the same. To proceed with our " abstract of title." The 
charter of A.D. 1301, as to the old chapel, is the earliest date we 
have ascended to yet. There are several others in which the property 
" Hay," or the family, is mentioned by name between that time and 
the first charter in 1171 A.D., wherein it is called the Haii. This 
early date lands us pretty near to the Conquest. It takes us clearly 
out of the reach of the " old barons of Dudley." The charters of 
1407 and 1395 show that they had no power in the " free land " of 
the Hay then, and as the permission is to " embattle " only, the " mes- 
suage " of that date, and not to build and embattle also ; it is evident 
that the moated residence had been in existence for some time. The 
power of Eic. II. to " embattle " was to " Hen. Chattok of the Old Hay, 
or Hay End," i.e., what then remained of the original Hay. The 
precise date of making over the Eoyal Hay of Bromwich to our famliy I 
am still in hopes of clearly proving from the Forest or other Eolls at the 
Eecord Office when I have an opportunity for making searches there. 
The following extracts from an article of mine in the " Hebrew 
Christian Witness," for March, 1875, published by Stock, Paternoster 



265 

Kow, will throw some light upon the subject, and fulfil my promise 
in the programme of giving a record of some early Anglo-Hebrew 
Christians. This article was written with a view to collect what 
information I could upon the subject from any one kindly volunteering 
such information they might meet with when searching the public 
records for other purposes : — 

" TEACES OF EARLY ANGLO-HEBREW CHRISTIANS, FROM 
AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 

" The author of ' The History of the Jewa in England,' and all our beat 
historians, allege that, at their expulsion from this country in A.D. 1290, about 
fifteen thousand were expelled. If we compare this number with the approximate 
amount of the then population, it is something considerable ; and if we take the 
present population of the country, and compare the number of converted and 
unconverted Jews at the present time, the relative proportion of converted Jews in 
1290 would be at least — say, five hundred. 

" This cannot by any means be considered an excessive estimate for men 
women, and children, as the Conqueror is said to have brought over Jews in great 
numbers, and they were much favoured by the three first Norman kings. The 
Domus Converaorum, or home for converts, was established in 12.32, a private one 
in 1213, in London, and one even much earlier still in Oxford. Supposing then 
that half of the five hundred were males, and one hundred of the two hundred 
and fifty perpetuated their name and family to our time, I would ask where and 
who are they ? Amongst the number of citiea and " king's towns," in and about 
which the ancient Jews were known to be specially located, I will treat only of 
four, viz., Exeter, Norwich, Warwick, and Worcester, as I have only yet (and that 
but cursorily) inspected some of the evidences in these districts. Of the following 
long list of Jewish names, some ninety-seven per cent, were converted Jews, as will 
appear by the offices they beld, and from their being of the post expulsion period 
mostly; but the whole list is given to identify the converts by their Jewish names. 
Then, as to the power, even of these priests to perpetuate their name and family, 
I have documentary evidence from charters in my possession that ecclesiastics were 
frequently in the habit of marrying at this period ; and, besides, most of them 
would doubtless have brothers, uncles, and cousins. The first work I quote from 



266 

is Prynne's History of Kings John, Henry III, and Edward I., pp. 464, 592, 600, 
702, 709. 946, and 992, where it is stated: — 'Adam le Jeu (Adam the Jew), parson 
of Levanston, Exeter Dioc. ; Stephen Maunsell (Mansell), John Maunsell, parson of 
Brynton, 22 Edward I. ; John Abel, vicar of Neuburn ; William Abell, parson of 
Linley ; William Abel and John Blund, 30 Edward I. ; John Lovetot, prebend 
of the Free Church of Wolverhampton.' The latter, I hope, will be particularly 
noted. From Maddox's History of the Exchequer, vol. i., pp. 68, 221, 225-6, 234, 
382, 744 : ' John Mansell, Keeper of the King's Seal, 31 Henry III. Jews great 
landowners ; Benet the Jew ; William Briton, Justice of the Jews. This name at 
first sight seems somewhat singular, but it is doubtless from Breton, one whose 
Jewish ancestor came originally from Britanny, and would be le Breton in the first 
instance. Vol. ii., pp. 59, 88, 285 : ' John Abel, Baron of the Exchequer ; Richard 
Abel, maker of dyes of moneyers ; — Blount ; and see index for following : — Blund 
and Blundi, William Briton, Justice of Jews ; Adam Gomer, and his brother Simon ; 
Hamon, son of Menischin, Hamo Dapifer to William I. ; Hamon, Justice of the 
Jews ; Hamon of Hereford ; Joce = Josey Joseph ; Johel Jordan, temp. Henry II. ; 
William Maunsell, 29 Henry II., his land at Schenley.' There is a ' Shenley 
Fields ' about six miles from here. ' Jo. Maunsell at the Exchequer ; Jordan 
Tolebu, his land at Chinsbury, temp. Henry II.' There is a Kinsbury near Castle 
Bromwich. The two last place names should be noted. ' Adam Blund and others ; 
Gustos Curicormn, and an Abel at the Mint; Ranulf Briton. Benet, Aze = Azor. 
From Blomfield's and Parkin's History of Norfolk, vol. ii., pp. 57, 287 ; ' Robert 
Frauncy's, Robert Blund, vol. iv , pp. 225, 227, 336, 369, 475. New Synagogue at 
Norwich, built temp. Henry II. ; it existed temp. William II. William Schattock 
(query Shetach — a name again occurring and to be separately treated), rector of 
Hackford, 1382. John Chitok, John Blund, vol. v., pp. 52, 59, 90, 381 : Nicholas 
Jobbe = Job, vicar of Swerdston, AD. 1318; Isaac, chaplain, and other Jews in 
1286; Henry Hagar ; Sir John Abel in 1317.' The 'Sir' here is synonymous with 
Clericus, vol. vi.. pp. 122-3, 254, 255-6. Sporle was a royal demesne and Cawton 
also, and before 25 Henry III. were held by Jews. This I wish to be noted. 
Vol. vii., pp. 161, 180. Robert Chattock (Shetach), vicar of Rudham, A.D. 1312. 
Vol. viii., 34, 43, 48, 74, 123, 194, 200, 324, 331, 374-5, 459, 481 : Richard Abel, 
rector of Geldeston, 1307 ; Nicholas Jacob, 1379 ; James Sampson, rector, 1375 ; 
John Abel, 30 Edward I.; — Frauncys, 1320; John Jacob, rector of Gauton, 1352; 
William Chattock (Shetach), rector of Gctuton and Brandeston, 1331 ; John Adam 



267 

1455 ; Edward (A)hagav, 1629 ; Kobert David, 1539 ; Jordan, prior of Castleacre, 
A.D. 1160, and Adam in 1250; Henry Abrabani, 1465. Many Jews in Lynn, temp. 
Richard I., and Lad houses and lands.' Vol. ix., pp. 19, 290, 426: 'Henry Abraham, 
1458; John Abraham, 1353; John Est (East), 1443.' Vol. x., pp. 122-3, 220, 451. 
Robert Est (East), 1300. In the index will also be found the following self-speaking 
names :—' Hagar, Adamson, Balam, Bartholomew, Edon, Michel, Paul, and Seth.' 
Eyton's History of Salop, vol. i , p. 63 : Gilbert Sadoc, p. 232 ; Richard Sadock, 
A.D. 1180. Vol. hi., p. 296: Joybert = Jobet, a diminutive of Job, a prior in 1192. 
Vol. v., p. 272: Lacy mortgages property at Ludlow to Jews, 319; John Aaron 
early date, vol. vii., p. 69; Ric. Sadock. A.D. 1180. Vol. viii., p. 77, do. 1201. 
Vol. ix , Ric Saddock, junior, 1191.' In the index will also be found Jos. Aaron, a 
priest, 1195; Blund, Bryd, or Brid ; Robert de Bromwich ; Eli Jonas, 1188; Abel, 
Briton, Adam, Hagar, Jo. Richard, and Heming SheakeL' (That Sadoc was a Jewish 
name, see St. Matthew c. 1, v. 14. This Robert de Brnmuich's name occurring 
near a Haye of Eardington, close to Bridgenorth, Salop, in A.D. 1188, and amongst 
the names Sadoc, Sadock, and Saddock is most remarkable.) 

" In Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury, vol. ii., p. 196 : — ' la 1324, Richard 
Abel, Dean of St. Chad's, exchanges livings with rector of Rollesly, Norfolk.' I have 
searched Dugdale's Warwickshire but a few moments, but found, p. 81, John Maryot 
incumbent of Astley in 1414, and there is a Mariot at the Conquest. These names 
are diminutives of Mary. At pp. 108-111, occur (very early) Moyses = Moses, and 
Joybert = Jobet (a diminutive of Job), monks of Coventry. There are places in 
Warwickshire, and not far from Warwick, called Jabet and Morton Morrell = Moor 
ton, the ton, or homestead of Morrell, a thorough Jewish name. At p. 222, there 
also occurs Azor at the Conquest. It will be observed that in all the foregoing 
names most of the Christian and all the surnames are evidently Jewish. The 
earliest instances we have of two names are a few Anglo-Saxons and most of the 
Hebrew Christians. The latter is easily accounted for. as on their becoming 
converts they would be surs to have a name added, and the priests, to humour 
them and their families, would, of course, allow, or perhaps even suggest, a name 
from the Old Testament. The earliest instances of two names to be met with are 
Jewish. In the History of the Dispersion of the Jews, Modern Universal History, 
vol. ii., p. 10, Jews with two names are recorded as early as the seventh century 
and, at pp. 27, 28, occur Samuel Levi, A.D. 1027, and Samuel Cophis, 1096, both 
Jews. 



268 

" The very early dates of all the double names recorded in this paper are 
remarkable, as with the English tho single name, with the descriptive particle " de," 
is continued down to temp. Edward IV., with the exception of a very few Anglo- 
Saxon names, such as Godwin. These numerous and authentic traces of early Anglo- 
Hebrew Christians will, I think, prepare the way for the introduction of what I 
consider the only case of Jewish descent traceable to the present time. The Haye 
was royal demesne in the forest of Coleshill, formerly the caput of the hundred in 
Doomsday. In some of the earliest charters the name in four cases is spelt Shattok 
and Schattok, as well as Chattok, the legitimate spelling of which is, I contend, 
Shetach, formerly a well-known Jewish name, one Simon ben Shetach being men- 
tioned in the Talmud (see Millman's History of the Jews, vol. ii., p. 40, &c.) S. 
and soft c were in old English as legitimately interchangeable as i and j are now. 
Amongst the names of vendors and purchasers, adjoining proprietors, and attesting 
witnesses, in the earliest of these charters, are the following, evidently Jewish, namely, 
"Jordan Britun, Kandolf Jordan, Isabel Brid, John Blund, Thos. Ansel, Thos. Abell, 
Adam Lovetot, Henry Wolf, John Frauncys, Ealph Kicardus (Ricardo), Robert Andrews, 
Humfrey Benet, Nathaniel Symon, Richard Michel, and Thomas Shattok" (query = 
Shetach). Of course there are many English names also, such as William de Brom- 
wich and Henry de Sharpmore. These are simply William of Bromwich and Henry 
of Sharpmore, i.e., without a surname or name of continuance. The Christian as 
well as the surnames of nearly all the foregoing are Jewish. The whole of them 
with the exception of Shattock or Chattok (and that, too, if it is meant for Shetach) 
were known as Jewish names from temp. Henry III. to the present time. They 
appear in the Jewish parliament held at Worcester in 1240 ; or the Hebrew stars 
or charters at the Public Record Office, and elsewhere, as in the London Post Office 
Directory for the current year, though I am not quite so sure as to the last name, 
and wish much for further information ; as to all the others, there is not a doubt 
about it. In " Men and Names of Old Birmingham (five miles from here) from 
Thirteenth to Sixteenth Century," by the late Toulmin Smith, are the following 
Jewish names (see Index): ''Richard Andrews, William Benet, Hamon Cissor, Thomas 
Chattok (query Shetach), A.D. 137D. John Frauncys, William Goldsmyth, Humfrey 
Jordan, John Lepper, Richard Lumbard. John Michel, John Philip, and Wm. Symon." 

There is a small manor called Pipe Hayes, which (see Dugdale) adjoined our 
Haye in 1850, and was held by a Wm. Mansel in temp. Henry III. — a real Jewish 
name. Other adjoining proprietors in early times were named respectively, Andrews, 



269 

Peter, Este (East, who held another Haye in Yardley parish), and Blund, that is, 
in Erdington, Yardley, and Witton. In fact, it plainly and indubitably appears that 
there must have been a colony of Anglo-Hebrew Christians hereabouts in early times. 
The chapel mentioned in these charters as early as twenty-ninth Edward I. is what 
is called a free chapel, a donative or royal peculiar, belonged to our family ; and, 
as before stated, there was a John Lovetot, a converted Jew, prebend of a similar 
church at Wolverhampton (fourteen miles distant; at this very time, and a con- 
temporary, Adam Lovetot, a witness in the Chattock charters. All free churches and 
chapels were built on royal demesne lands. Most of our old historians allege that 
the Conqueror introduced the Jews into England to assist him in monetary matters, 
which, of course, would embrace the royal demesne, free lands, forests, chases, and 
Hayes. The seven kings of the Heptarchy each possessed such properties. These 
would all descend through Egbert, first sole monarch, to William I., which, when 
the New Forest (so near to the then capital, Winchester) was completed, would be 
found comparatively useless, and no doubt most of them would be handed over to 
the Jews to be utilised, and some portions would naturally pass to them, in lieu of 
money, for services rendered. When a family can trace their pedigree back for four 
or five generations or so, it is customary for them to allege, without the slightest 
proof, that " they came over with the Conqueror ; " but an uncle of ours, who was 
born about a century ago, always said that, joking apart, the family tradition was 
that this ancestral property was actually a grant from William I. ; and if for civil 
services during the tranquil period of his reign, it would not appear in the Roll of 
Battle Abbey, and, of course, not in Dooms-day. 

" I have placed my name and address at the head of this hurried statement 
with the view of soliciting assistance in the way of searches at the Record Office 
and other places in London, for which I have but little time when there. I am 
naturally most anxious to clear up the point to a certainty. The name cannot, 
etymologically, be derived from any place name. The Norfolk Chattocks, or Schattocks, 
still continue under the name of Clnttocli, and I have heard from one of them, a 
solicitor at Norwich. I have evidence that they are a branch of our own family, 
and clear proof that many of their descendants are now in America, bearing the 
name of Shattuck ; so that it would really appear as though the name was working 
back again to the old spelling, if it originated from Shecach. A curious and apropos 
instance of the interchange of s and c exists in the history of this American branch 
of the family. There is a work in the British Museum by one of its members 



270 

called ' Memorials of the descendants of William Shattuck,' &c, by Lemuel Shattock, 
member of the American Antiquarian Society, &c, published in 1855 ; and at p. 58 
it is stated that in America the name first occurs as Chattock, in 1642. So that, 
if my conjecture is correct, it began with S in England, and ended in C, and 
with C in America, and ended with S. 

I did think at first that the name might be derived from the family of the 
good old Anglo-Saxon Bishop Chad of Lichfield (Chadock) ; but this would be only 
a diminutive, whereas Chattok, Shattok, and Shetach are the same names, with 
trifling and legitimate letter changes only. Chattock is a much more probable 
derivative of the the Jewish name Sadoc than it is of Chad. In any case, we can 
well join in prayer with the pleader of the favoured people of old, and say, ' The 
Lord our God be with us, as He was with our fathers ; let Him not leave us 
nor forsake us.' 

I attach but very little importance to the formal phrases, such 
as " chief lord of the fee, rendering," &c, as used in some of the 
foregoing and similar charters. They do not occur in all of them. 
They have been applied to every piece of stolen free land, common, 
waste, road-side waste, and open space throughout the country. The 
two deeds of 10 March, 1630, and 15 May, 1649, each show that 
what then remained of the Hay (and it was according to the 
assessments then as large within a few acres as the property the 
Devereux's held in the hamlet), was free land, and they, moreover, 
show that the title of the original Hav, which we have seen included 
most, of the hamlet, was of that title also, because they were 
originally part of the Hay, and it all had but one title of course. 

In confirmation of my conjecture that a kind of Jewish or 
Hebrew-Christian colony existed in the neighbourhood of the Bromwich 
Hay, and in the vicinity of the Hay, near the Shropshire Eardington, 
I sent a list containing a number of the names of witnesses to 
charters, owners and occupiers in and about these two Hays to the 
late Dr. Margoliouth, a good Hebrew Scholar, and he confirmed my 



271 

opinion as to the etymon of very many of these names being Jewish. 
The most remarkable feature of the case is that from the quotations 
of Eyton's Salop there was a family of the Hebrew name of Sadoc, 
Saddock, or Shaddock, who held property in a Hay in the Shropshire 
Eardington, at the same time that our family (who in some of the 
early charters spelt their names Shattock) were holding the Haye of 
Bromwich, adjoining the Warwickshire Erdington. 

In vol. i., p. 124, note 99, it states that Gilbert Sadoc was of 
the Haye of Erdington, near Bridgenorth. This Sadoc [a Jewish name] 
being connected with church lands, shows that the reports of early 
writers are correct as to our Norman kings concerning themselves 
with ecclesiastical revenues, and sometimes getting the Jews to farm 
them. William II. Avas notorious for this. At length these things 
instigated the priests to start the tales about the Jews crucifying 
Christian children on Good Fridays to raise a persecution against them, 
and induce the king to rob and expel them in A.D. 1290. Some 
Jews who turned Christians soon after their coming into this country 
would settle down upon lands they had acquired by, and for managing 
the royal demesne, forests, and Hays (Earl Beaconsfield — De Israli did 
the same), and be left unmolested and undisturbed at this expulsion, 
which was two hundred and twenty-four years after the Conquest. 
The estate at Little Sutton, adjoining Little Hay and Bradnock Hay 
(which is pushing out towards Lichfield), and said to have belonged 
" to the antient messuage of John Ohattock of Castle Bromwich, being 
his inherytance," in deed of 1569, is also mentioned in deeds of 
Edward VI., 1550 ; and as (see deed) sold in 1618. This, from its 
proximity to Lichfield, may have been " church " land originally, and 
rescued from Eome by the Norman kings undoing what some of the 
early Anglo-Saxon kings had done. This is what made them so 
unpopular with the priesthood, and induced some writers to believe 



272 

(and I think they are correct) that the second William succumbed to 
the shaft of the " church," instead of the chase, when he fell in the 
Forest of Ytene. "It was proved by several old deeds before 1st Mary 
that divers parcels of land belonging to the See of Lichfield, lie in 
the fields of Lichfield." " Cannock Forest (of which Little Sutton was 
part) belonged to the See of Lichfield in Saxon times." See Harwood's 
Lichfield, pp. 13 and 3G0-1. Again, the Ilaye of Bromwich was in the 
See of Coventry and Lichfield, which See was founded by Oswy the 6th, 
Anglo-Saxon king of Mercia, in A.D. 656, and is said to have been 
so rich, that Offa, by the favour of Pope Adrian, constituted it an 
archi-episcopal one. Warwickshire, and Staffordshire, and great part 
of Salop, including the archdeaconry of Shrewsbury, were included in 
this see, so that the three Hays, one at Eardington, near Bridgenorth, 
little Hay, near Lichfield, and the Hay of Bromwich, were all within 
the diocese, and may all have been " church " land originally, and 
first alienated by the Anglo-Saxon kings from the forests, and then 
rescued by the Normans, who erected this royal castle or " shooting 
box " here. By the charter dated the feast of St. Clement, 26th 
Edward III., A.D. 1353, it appears there was a Have at or near 
Coventry, " Henricus de la Hay de Coventre." The unenclosed common 
still there, which is on that side leading out from the city towards 
Stonebridge and Castle Bromwich, is, I believe, a portion of it 

At p. 267 of this volume, it states that in A.D. 1209, when 
Thomas de Erdington (of Warwickshire Erdington) was sheriff of Salop, 
a Richard de Bromwich was made a constable of Bridgenorth. Castle. 
This is very remarkable. He was made sheriff' of Salop in 1206, and 
sent his friend and neighbour, Richard, to keep the castle soon after. 
The Shaddocks of the Have of Eardington, near Bridgenorth, are 
mentioned so early that the grandfathers of the Richard Saddock, of 
A.D. 1180, and the Richard Saddock, Junior, of 1191, must have 



9,7 



i •» 



been alive at the Conquest. In vol. viii., pp. 129-130, it states that 
a " Kichard de Morville, in 1250, married Agnes, whose mother was 
Isabella, daughter of Gilbert Sadoc, and that this Agnes had property 
in the Hay of Astley Abbotts." At p. 140 of the same volume there is 
a Robert de Bromwieh mentioned as then of Salop. 

Where, I would ask, are now the pure Jewish names of Sadoc 
(or Shaddock) and Shetach, if they are not merged in the modern 
Chaddock and Chattock ? By the Lichfield registers I see there was 
formerly a very old family of Chaddock of Salop, afterwards of Chaddock 
Hall, Lancashire, mentioned by Baiues, in visitation of that county 
in 1G44 ; and I contend that Shetach has merged into Chattock, or 
that Sadoc has, after passing through Chaddock. 

I will now proceed to give short extracts from my note-book 
showing the early communications, or connections, that must have been 
kept up by and between various families in Salop, Warwick, and 
Norfolk, including, amongst others, Marmion, Mountfort, and Chattock. 

From Evton's Salop. 

Vols. i. and ii., p. 70, and notes, states that forests (which would 
include Hays) are not generally mentioned in Domesday, but only 
lands of productive capacity. Vols. hi. and iv., a Matilda de Birmingham 
is mentioned as then of Salop, p. 234. Hotchpot mentioned as early 
as A.D. J 282. P. 239, Hen. de Birmingham mentioned as then of Salop 
in 132G. Vol. iv., p. 132, ditto, Walter de Birmingham, a priest, 
p. 362. A coal mine mentioned in 1291. Vol. v., p. 21, here 
we find our parson author trying to exclude the Devereux family 
from Domesday Book. Why, it is as pure a French name as any 
ever known! There never was any other place name of Devereux 
but in France. Montfort and Percy are as much English as French. 
In another place he does much to disparage the Montfort family. 

T 



274 

These were " rebel " families in his eyes. These are about the only 
imperfections of his excellent work. In vol. vi., p. 197, Philip 
Marmion is mentioned as holding Pulverbach in 1244. At vol. vii., 
p. 120, it is stated that Romans had lead mines in Salop ; and at 
p. 250, that Thomas de Erdington (Warwickshire), who was sheriff of 
Salop, had tenants in Norfolk in 1217, and he married Eose de 
Cokeford of that county. Vol. viii., p. 237, has that donatives are 
seldom mentioned in diocesan records, but he neglects to give the 
reason, which is simply because they are not subject to episcopal 
visitation. At p. 143 of vol. ix., and numerous other places, the 
Wrekin is called Mount Gilbert. This is from its summit so frequently 
having snow upon it, it is (gilt — bright) brht — light. Snow-dun was 
also so named. The etymology of Mountfort is simply a mound, 
mount, or fort protecting a ford, and my belief is that Mountfort, 
Salop, perhaps, gave name to the famous family of that name. 
Dr. Margoliouth states somewhere in his works that the father of the 
celebrated Simon de Montfort was an early Hebrew Christian ; and 
Eyton acknowledges that the Salop Montforts and the Simon de 
Montfort family were originally the same. There is a most remarkable 
muddle somewhere in the pedigree of the de Montfort family. I 
believe that if thoroughly gone into, it is very uncertain as to whether 
the family of Simon de Montfort came from, and were named after 
the place of that name in France. My belief is that they were 
named and came from Monfort in Salop, and were of Jewish origin, 
not only from the Christian names of the father and son, but also 
from their being so thoroughly mixed up with the other little colonies 
of early Anglo-Hebrew Christians, not only in Salop, but in Warwick, 
and in Norfolk also. It should be noted that when the Montforts 
disappear in Salop, they turn up at King-hurst Hall, part of which 
estate is in Castle Bromwich, so that they left the neighbourhood of 



275 

the Saddocks and went into the neighbourhood of the Chattocks. If 
a " de " Montfort of France came over with the Conqueror, it does 
not follow necessarily that he must have been the progenitor of our 
Simon de Montfort. As to the evil spirit of the feudal system, I must 
say with the poet — 

"If that thou be'st a devil, 
I cannot kill tliee. " 

I only wish to show that it was not so completely omnipotent 
as many believe, until it became perfected as a gigantic system of 
fraud by the finesse and chicanery of the " elder lawyers " and 
" churchmen." The statute of Quia Emptores, which was to suppress 
subenfeudation, and prevent the creation of inferior lords, was passed 
in 18th of Edward I., so that the Henry Chattock who received the 
grant or power to embattle of 20th Richard IL, could not have been 
one of these, as royalty would ignore all such, and treat only with 
tenants in capite, or owners of " free land," and if the " legal 
personal representatives " of the aforesaid " elder lawyers " reply " No ; " 
of course not, he must have been a tenant in capite. Then they 
make him lord of the manor, and snub " the old barons of Dudley." 
Here they err again, for it never was anything but a " reputed " 
manor for the purposes I have described. Some " reputed " lord may 
have had portions of it " viewed," levied paltry little 24 d. chief rents 
in portions of it, perhaps ; but if the hamlet can be shown to have been 
free land before 12 Ch. IL, when every other inch of land, as far 
as was known was, or was supposed to be, held in capite, it must 
have been always so, and the feudal system could never have extended 
to and operated upon it. I have just shown that its title was a free 
Hay in 20 Richard II. , and that, too, under such circumstances (it is 
called the Old Hay), that it could never have been otherwise, between 
that date and the Conquest, when the feudal system was first 



27G 

inaugurated. Broke says that free lands, "frank fee, liberum fewdum, 
were exempted from all services." 

A great deal of royal demesne (particularly forests and hays) 

was fooled away to the " church " by the Anglo-Saxon kings, especially 

after those of the whole heptarchy had centred in the first sole 

monarch. The Norman kings soon relieved them of some of these 

burthens, particularly the Conqueror and Eufus. The latter was 

notorious for letting and selling them to the Jews. The " church " 

however frightened a charter out of Henry I. to " mitigate " this state 

of things, and became " reformers " for the first time with the barons 

under King John to get clauses inserted in Magna Charta to prevent 

" spoliation," as they called it, Eyton, in his Salop, vols. vii. and 

viii. (bound together), p. 5, says, " King Edward the Confessor had 

twelve manors in demesne in Salop." This is not quite so bad (but 

very nearly so, considering the increased light of Eyton's day) as 

Dugdale, following the old monk Rouse, and alleging that Caractacus 

had a manor at Warwick, and built a church there, and dedicated it 

to John the Baptist before the said John was born. What he intended 

to say was that the Anglo-Saxon king held twelve places in Salop, 

which, after the Conquest, were made manors, because manors were 

not created until then. Mercia was the last kingdom settled when 

the heptarchy was formed, and Salop being upon the Welsh border 

would be one of the last counties settled. It was scarcely settled 

until the conquest. Freeman, on that event, says that Earl Edwin 

might almost pass in Mercia for an hereditary prince. In Blakeway's 

Shrewsbury, vol. i., p. 35, it states that on the death of Earl Edwin, 

Salop went to the Crown. The " church," in Anglo-Saxon times, 

became possessed of vast properties in this county. Much was taken 

from it at, and soon after, the Conquest, and some confirmed to it. 

In vols. vii. and viii. of Eyton, we have, p. 259, " Haymore Abbey, 



277 

royal demesne;" p. 221, " Wigmore Abbey, royal demesne;" p. 216, 
" Lyllslmll Abbey, royal demesne." Vol. ii., p. 8, "Morville was held 
by Shrewsbury Abbey at Conquest," and p. 16, as to Conqueror's 
grant, or rather confirmation to this abbey. Vol. i., pp. IS and 19, 
" The Norman Earl Eoger gave (temp. William I.) great part of 
Morville to Salop Abbey in 1086/' and at p. 63 is the following, 
" Nicholas held the Haye of Morville under the descendants of Gilbert 
Sadok, a man largely interested in Salop Abbey, early in the 
century." That is, a family of Sadok, who sometimes spelt their 
names Saddock, held a Haye in Salop about A.D. 1200. P. 232, 
in chartnlary of Shrewsbury Abbey, a witness to a charter in A.D. 
1180 is one Richard Sadock, and at p. 240, " Pickthorn was formerly 
royal demesne and abbey land, and in 1240, Gilbert Sadoc sold 
property in Pickthorn to Salop Abbey." It would be utterly impossible 
to produce stronger evidence than this to confirm my statement in the 
article in the " Hebrew-Christian Witness," as to Jews managing royal 
demesne and church property for the Norman kings. This Sadoc is 
a thorough Jewish name ; besides the Sadoc mentioned in the 14th 
verse of 1st chapter of Matthew, the founder of the Sadducees was 
a Sadoc. Zadok appears to be the same name. The family of Zadoc 
held the high priesthood of the Jews for considerably more than a 
thousand years, and were very . highly favoured. " The priests of the 
house of Zadok which kept my charge, which went not astray, when 
the children of Israel went astray, as the Levites went astray, Ezekiel 
c. 48 v. 11. This family of Zadoc was known after the destruction 
of the temple. " Zadoc, the Levite, died A.D. 89." See " Hebrew- 
Christian Witness," June, 1875, p. 277. Blakeways Shrewsbury in 
many cases, though but a much smaller work, confirms the quotations 
from the public records given by Eyton. At p. 8 of vol. i., we have 
" Baschurch (from bosco, the church in the wood) was royal demesne 



278 

of Mercian kings." Vol. ii., p. 96, "Richard Hagar (another Jewish 
name) held land adjoining Salop Abbey, A.D. 1200;" p. 95, "Gilbert 
Sadoc held land in 1220, adjoining Salop Abbey;" p. 96, "In 1324, 
Richard Abel (another Jewish name), Dean of St. Chad's, exchanged 
living with rector of Rollesley, Norfolk." St. Chad's was a donative, 
built on royal demesne. P. 103, " Abbey of Shrewsbury held forest 
of Wreken in 1270;" pp. 213, 240, " Fitz Alan of Salop held 
considerable fiefs in Warwickshire and Norfolk ; " p. 18G, Peter de 
Monntfort, of Salop, in 1258, said to have been of the family of Simon 
de Montfort. 

Blomfield and Parkins Norfolk, vol i., p. 52, Philip Marmion, of 
Tamworth Castle, was constable of Norwich Castle in 1261. See also 
Prynne, p. 1221, as to this. As there is a difference of thirty-one 
years between this date and 1292, when the Marmions are said to 
have died out, it would appear that two of the same name must have 
followed each other, for the last one is said to have been a Philip. 
It is strange that this Philip, who must have died in 1292, should 
have had the Peter Marmion, of Curdworth (of the Chattock charters), 
who was alive in A.D. 1289, die so near to the same year. There 
is as great a muddle in the pedigree of this family as in that of the 
Montfort's ; indeed all these old " de " ified pedigrees seem to be alike 
to me. Sir Walter Scott, in a note to his Marmion, says, " but after 
the castle and demesne of Tamworth had passed through four 
successive barons from Robert (the first), the family became extinct in 
the person of Philip de Marmion, who died in 20th of Edward I." 
Now, the 20th of Edward I. was 1292, and " four " generations of 
thirty years each would be one hundred and twenty years, bringing 
us down to A.D. 1186 only. This 1186 is but about half-way between 
the Conquest and the date (1292), in which they are said to have died 
out. Instead of four generations, it wants but fourteen years of being 



279 

eight generations from the Conquest. This family took its cognomen 
from a place name, it appears. The " de " is used to a late period. 

This bit of " historical romance " of Sir Walter's is from Dugdale's 
pedigree-mongery. I never met with two authors so much alike as 
these, and to my mind so equally good as romancers." In vol. ix., 
p. 73, of this work (Blomfield and Parkin's Norfolk), it states that the 
Marmions were still in being in Norfolk so late as temp. Edward III. 
(1327-1377), which upsets the foregoing romances. At pp. 161-5 ol 
vol. i. of this work, mention is made of a Jo. Chyttok, sheriff ol 
Norfolk, in 1450 ; mayor of Norwich in 1457, and M.P. in 38 
Henry VI., in Parliament held at Coventry; p. 171, Jo. Chytock, mayor 
in 14C6. These and others previously mentioned of the same name 
were ancestors of the family now represented by Mr. Chittock, solicitor, 
of Norwich. Pages 642 and 657, Martin de Patshull in 1226, and a 
T. Bigge in 1524, of county Norfolk. These names also occur in Salop 
and in the Chattock charters. Vol. ii., p. 141, Jefy de Mundford, of 
county Norfolk, mentioned ; p. 182, a de Mundford, of Hock wold, said 
to have been from Normandy, and in Conqueror's army ; p. 412, 
Eobert Marmion in 1219, as then of Norfolk. Vol. iv., a William 
Sekyrigton (near Tamworth) in 1460, mentioned as then of Norfolk, 
p. 331 ; one Holden (an Erdington name), mentioned in 1590, p. 336 ; 
a William Schattock, buried in church of St. John the Baptist in 1382 ; 
he was rector of Hackford and All Saints'. P. 369, Jo. Chitock, alderman 
of Norwich. Vol. v., p. 353, Eobert Arden in 1464. This was 
evidently a family who came out of Warwickshire Arden, and was 
so called in consequence. P. 358, Jo. Tamworth in 1339, and in 1594 
a Edward Yardley. P. 358, a Eichard Jennings in 1677. P. 418, a 
Alan and another Salop family mentioned. P. 433, Eichard de Bradwell 
mentioned in 1300 (as in Chattock charters). Vol. vi., p. 6, Stephen 
Smallwode, vicar of Newton, mentioned in 1421, and the name is 



280 

mentioned elsewhere and earlier. It is a Birmingham name. P. 15, a 
Hugh de Montford, said to have been at Bodney at the Conquest, and 
his descendants, until the year 1170. The "Hugh" in this name is 
evidently Welsh, and bespeaks the Salopian origin of the family, and 
the whole goes to confirm the expressed opinion of Dr. Margoliouth, 
and with which I entirely agree, viz., that the family of Simon de 
Montfort originated with the Shropshire branch. How the early histories 
or pedigrees of these two famous families of Marmion and Montfort 
became so muddled is best known to the old heralds and pedigree- 
mongers. I think that with the documents we possess, the Shropshire 
origin of the Montforts could be proved, and the male line of the 
Marmions extended to even a later date than temp. Edward III., as 
mentioned by Parkin and Blomfield in their History of Norfolk, p. 170. 
The name of Marmion is not yet extinct, as there is a clergyman of the 
name now, one of my subscribers, I am pleased to say. A Sir W. de 
Odingsels (Solihull) held land at Oxburgh, Norfolk, in 1249. Pp. 
234-294, Adcock, Yardley, and Massey, of county Norfolk, mentioned, 
and all three are Warwickshire names ; p. 302, and a Baskerville in 
AD. 1461 ; p. 322, a person named Tamworth in tern. Edward I. ; p. 332, 
a Walter de Marmion, in Norfolk, in reign of John. This " de " again 
shows the name originated from a place name ; p. 463, the monastery 
of Nuneaton, said to have had land in Walsingham, Norfolk. Yol. viii., 
p. 34, there is a Lawrence de Montfort in county Norfolk in 1268. 
In same vol., at p. 39, occurs a Jo. de Beauchamp, 7 Edward I. 

The following Warwickshire and Shropshire names also occur in 
this county history, as then of Norfolk at the dates given, viz., vol. viii., 
p. 43, Jefry de la Hay, 1349; p. 47, a de Castello ; at p. 87 of 
vol. viii., these also occur : a " Hugh de Montfort, a Norman, in 
Conqueror's time ; ; ' p. 178, a William de Hay, in 1324 ; p. 425, Giles 
de Wenlock, of Salop, mentioned in tem. Edward III. Yol. ix., p. 30, 



281 

a John de Somery, said to have held land in Norfolk, temp. Edwards 
II. and III; p. 117, a Eic. de Ideshale (Salop), then in Norfolk in 
1310 ; pp. 448-0, Trussels, of Salop and Norfolk, said to be the same ; 
p. 45G, same as to families of Alan and Flad ; At p. 467, a Ealf de 
Smethwick, in 1311 ; p. 479, a Corbet, from Salop. Vol. x., pp. 9, 
16, 17, and 41, a Fitz Alan, from Salop; a Tho. de Erdington and 
William de Drayton ; and in vol. ix., the family of Basset (Drayton 
Basset) is mentioned; p. 73, Eobert, Abbot of Salop, in tem. Henry III., 
as of county Norfolk ; p. 324, Lord Strange grants Hunstanton, Norfolk, 
to Haughmond Abbey, Salop; p. 330, "Holm" by the Sea, county 
Norfolk, belonged to Lillshall Abbey, Salop ; p. 333, three other Salop 
names, and a John de Somery mentioned; p. 339, a Hugh de Arden 
mentioned, 1275. Vol. ii., pp. 54, 111, and 134, families of Bassett, 
Tymouth (Tamworth), and Smalewood mentioned again ; p. 201, a place 
called Montfort, in Bretayne, mentioned. The foregoing extracts from 
standard works — Eyton, Blakeway, and Parkins and Blomiield — consisting 
as they do of reliable extracts from the public records, clearly show 
that there is evidently some (for the present) inexplicable muddle 
made by Dugdale and the old heralds and others as to the Montford 
and Marmion families. It is certain that some of the male descendants 
of the Montforts exist in the midlands now. In the foregoing assess- 
ment for Water Orton for 1700, there is one of the family of 
Montfort mentioned. Dugdale, too, makes the first prior of Birmingham 
a Eobert Marmion in 1326, which is thirty-four years after they are 
said to have been extinct. The great mixing up of affairs and families 
of Salop, Warwick, and Norfolk here described shows how the Chattock 
family also moved from each of these counties to the other. 
Mr. Chittock, solicitor, of Norwich, is also representative of the family 
of Eobert Chattok, who was vicar of West Eudham, Norfolk, in 1312, 
mentioned in vol. vii., p. 161, of Blomiield's and Parkin's history of 



282 

that county. It appears by this work that the priests at this date 
openly married. The family can be traced in that county from 1312. 
One of the family, a William Chittock, emigrated to America in 1G42, 
as I have said, and his name appears as a purchaser of land on the 
register of Waterton, Massachusetts. The name in America afterwards 
became corrupted to Shattuck, but it first appears on the land register 
as William Chattuck. 

The most remakable feature of the name, and which strengthens 
the supposition of its being from Shetach (or Saddock through Sadoc), 
is the very early period of its appearing with Christian name added 
in Salop, Norfolk, and Warwick. After almost a life-long perusal of 
works of antiquarian lore, I do not remember any Anglo-Saxon or 
Anglo-Norman name, not even Baldwin, Godwin, Devereux, or Marmion, 
occurring so earlv with both Christian and surname as the Eichard Sad- 
dock and Eichard Saddock, Jun., of A.D. 1180 and 1191, in Eyton's Salop. 

The others all have the everlasting " de " at, previous to, and 
long subsequent to those dates. The names Saddock and Chattock 
never occur with this descriptive particle. The two Jewish names, 
Samuel Levi, A.D. 1027, and Samuel Cophis, of 1096, before mentioned, 
are even earlier. These, too, were doubtless Hebrew Christians. 

With the exception of our own immediate relatives (brothers and 
cousins), the Chittocks of Norfolk, American Shattucks, and the 
Somersetshire Shattocks, who sprung from the Henry Chattock, who 
went into Dorsetshire in 1509 (see deed of that date), there are not 
now, and never have been, any other relatives or people of the name 
as appears by the modern and earliest directories. The name is never 
found elsewhere. Chaddock (also very rare) was doubtless the same, 
originally. From the searches my brother caused to be made at the 
Record Office and elsewhere, it appears that some of the name were 
engaged in the Scotch wars, &c. 



283 

The following is an extract from the Exchequer accounts : " 28th 
Edward I. (A.D. 1299). Johanie de Derby, cleric, cancellor pro denar 
p ipsum solutis Eicardus Chattok, et 5 sociis suis constabul' cum equis 
covertro, pro verdiis suis, et 504 sagittar preditum electorum in Com. 
Ebor : pro gurra Scocie, anni presentis 7 dies," &c. Either the latinity 
of the entry or the copying in this extract was very carelessly done. 
It appears, also, from these searches that the family had property near 
Barnet and at Moxhull. 

The Earls of Warwick held land in Aston parish at one time. 
See charter of Henry IV. (1407), which has an endorsement on it to 
the effect that the land conveyed by it was " free land." Perhaps the 
Earl of Warwick's family held the royal castle of Bromwich, and as 
one of the Chattocks fell with the " King Maker " in the battle of 
Barnet, I expect that both the castle and the embattled " messuage " 
of the Chattocks upon the " Hay Hall Moat," of the Ordnance Map, 
were demolished by the triumphant party. The same fate befel the 
little property that the Devereux family held in this hamlet when the 
governing powers of the day exchanged places, at least the property 
changed hands, though the residence was not demolished. 

The free land pulled into the feudal system would be at once 
lost sight of, by the " elder lawyers " reserving " chief rents " in the 
first conveyance of lands at or after their severance. 

In the reference book to the parish plan of Sutton Coldheld there 
are three fields, Nos. 1912, 1927, and 1928, called " Cattock Hurst " = 
C(h)attock Wood. The h has evidently been dropped. 

This wood, or rather as it is now, three fields, are near Pens, 
and in the same parish as the property described in deed of 15G9, 
and not very far from Moxhull. 

I should think that the Hay of Bromwich was an earlier gift 
than the Hay of Salop, as alienating and disafforesting would take 



284 

place in Warwickshire before Salop. These Saddocks, Shetachs, or 
Chattocks certainly appear to have had the management of some royal 
demesne, and had part of it given them in lieu of money. 

When William I. ascended the throne, the royal demesne coming 
to him from the seven Saxon kingdoms through the troublous times 
of the Danes, would be scarcely recognisable, hence the necessity of 
some one to institute inquiries. Early disafforesting and alienating many 
of them therefore took place, as the Conqueror could not, of course, 
sport in all of them ; and the new forest also, which was expressly 
made for the purpose near Winchester, the then capital. The Jews 
were just the kind of " justices in eyre," to send upon such an 
itinerancy as this, for as a great deal of this land had got into the 
hands of the "church/' they would be impartial .between crown and 
gown. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Account of several hitherto unknown British, Roman, and Saxon 
Tumuli, or Grave Mounds, and Hoar-stones. 



" I will on 

Lead me o'er bones and skulls, and mouldering earth, 
Of human bodies." — Congreve. 



The discovery of these interesting remains in Castle Bromwich 
was entirely owing to my passion for, and incessant study of etymology ; 
so, after passing a mental salute, as it were, to the memory of Plato, 
whose aphorism that " a knowledge of the etymology of words leads 
to a knowledge of things," and led me to these researches, I will 
proceed to relate how one contest, or more, took place in this hamlet 
between the Britons and Romans, and with the former and the Saxons. 
In West's " Warwickshire," page 573, it is stated that Roman arms 
have been found on Mr. Gibson's farm in this hamlet. Mr. Gibson's 
farm was in three parts, each some distance from the other. I knew 
every inch of the whole, but could not collect from any of my 
seniors in the place as to where they had been found, what they 
consisted of, and nothing whatever as to what became of them. Some 
time ago, I met with a son of Mr. Gibson, who informed me that 
he could just recollect seeing them upon their "chimney-piece" many 
years ago, and that they consisted of parts of a spear and sword, 
much corroded. I asked him if they were not found in the field called 
Bratingbarrow, and he instantly recollected that they were, and when 
doing some draining. 



286 

This field is called Buttingbarrow in deed of 1594, which see ; and 
in assessments dated subsequently, it is called Brating-barrow. This is 
Saxon brad— broad, and ing = a leah, a meadow =broad meadow barrow, 
it will be seen in deed of 1501 that there is a Bradley Hurst meadow 
mentioned, which is near ; the t and d in brat and brad being 
Legitimately interchangeable, as before explained. It is mentioned in 
other deeds, and in reference book to parish plan, and B'ratingbarrow 
is the general mode of spelling. In Birmingham Weekly Post, 
vol. xxi., under " Local Notes and Queries," No. 220, some extracts 
are given from the letters of Hamper in 1812, in which he is quoted 
thus, in writing of a walk from Castle Bromwich : " I visited some 
fields called Upper and Lower Britons Bury, where the traces, &c," 
and then he goes on to call them encampments. If these were the 
same fields, there is a great corruption in spelling Barrow. The 
early samples I have given of the spelling bespeak what it had been — 
a place of interment, and not an encampment. Hamper, of course, 
took the name from his informant's pronunciation. 

There was a great quantity of unenclosed " road side waste," as 
it was called, between this field and the road, and I can distinctly 
recollect that some forty-two years ago, when on visits for birds' nests 
amongst the gorse, that the contour of the ground was uneven, and 
had banks from three to four feet high in some places, similar to 
the low Saxon and other barrows that I am about to describe. The 
field can be found from the parish plan, or by inquiry in the village. 
These remains were not high enough either for a fort or encampment. 
Uratingbarrow adjoins the field called the Hall Hays, i.e., of Ivings- 
hurst Hall, but some fields hereabouts were thrown together when the 
enclosure of the " road side waste " and draining took place. Rolling 
and harrowing have so levelled the surface that traces of the barrow 
are now only just perceptible. It was not more than from three to 
four feet high. 



287 

In the village, near the post office, there is a lane called Kyt 
(Kat or Kite) Hill Lane, and adjoining it a croft called Kite Hill 
Croft (vide parish plan and deed of 1G02), and this lane leads to the 
field called the (S)chitecroft, mentioned in charter No. 1, in A.D. 1171, 
and now called Shutt Croft on parish plan. The S in (S)chite 
Croft came in with the Norman-French. The date of this charter is 
but just after the Conquest, at least at the time when that language 
and the Anglo-Saxon were competing for supremacy. Kite, in the 
names of this lane and field, and (S)chite or (S)chat in Schitecroft, 
contain the essential elements of the Celtic word cath, and Saxon chad, 
and signify battle (see Philological Society's Papers for 18G7, pp. 260, 
269, and 303 ; Taylor's " Words and Places," p. 322 ; Ferguson's 
"Teutonic Name System," pp. 150, 160, and 406; Grimm's Deutsche 
Grammatik, and Forstemann's Altdentsches Namenbuch). These fields 
and lane are near to the large tumulus near the church on the 
" Castle Hills," and the tumulus overlooks and is close to the bridere 
on the Tame, formerly the old ford. 

There was a great battle hereabouts, and perhaps to contest the 
possession of this ford, though this British tumulus could not have 
been erected then, unless the Piomans were defeated and driven back 
a considerable distance, Avhich is very improbable, but must have been 
built to some one of note in anterior and perhaps peaceful times, or 
at an earlier stage, when the Eomans had not penetrated so far into 
the country ; and the Britons made a fierce stand here, not only to 
protect the ford, but out of compliment to the manes of their 
ancestors. 

At this stage we had better consider the tumulus, or mound 
marked as a tumulus by Sir H. James on the Ordnance map. Dugdale 
is a very poor authority in such matters ; but still he lived in the 
neighbourhood, and must have passed the spot many years before his 



28S 

work appeared. He took this mound for the keep of a castle, and 
the hill upon which it stands has, in consequence, ever since been 
called the Castle Hill, and there is an old " Castle Inn " named from 
it in the village. 

The practised eye of Sir H. James first beheld it two hundred 
and forty years after Dugdale's time it is true, but then, when we 
consider the immense number of tumuli, barrows, and cromlechs that 
had been discovered and cut through or thrown open, and full 
descriptions given of them in the various county histories, Arclneologia, 
" Gentleman's Magazine," and published works ; that many of them 
were not only of similar appearance, but of the same measurements 
in every particular, and that they had turned out to be places of 
interment and not the keeps of castles, the Ordnance Surveyor being 
familiar with all or most of the details of these discoveries, must at 
once be admitted as a better judge than Dugdale. There is a precisely 
similar tumulus at Seckington, where we know early conflicts took 
place, as was the case hereabouts. 

The strata of the mound is different from the site upon which it 
stands, showing it to be artificial. The site, which is the brow of a 
hill, is a strong clay, but the mound is a sandy gravel, and the spot 
is easily traceable from where the Britons, perhaps more than two 
thousand years ago, excavated for the gravel with which to raise this 
artificial mound over the remains of their chief or king. IS T ear the 
tumulus is a long hollow pit, or trench, commencing near its base and 
running in a direct line towards the east end of the church. It is 
in an avenue of trees. Another still more remarkable coincidence is 
that the cubical capacity of the long pit is about the same as the 
mound. I have somewhere read of the dimensions of a tumulus 
corresponding exactly with this; that at Seckington is also much the 
same, and Brinklow, T believe, also, where I think an interment has 



289 

been found. Dugdale mistook the tumulus at Brinklow for the keep 
of a castle, as he did also this at Gastle Bromwicli. 

Another strange feature of this tumulus is that there is still a 
low fosse distinctly discernible around it in an oval shape. This is 
almost inexplicable if there has been a castle upon the spot, or even 
upon part of the site. The oval is slightly destroyed at one end by 
a shed and yard. The east side is very perfect, and there is an old 
yew tree growing upon it. The west side is pretty distinct, and even 
at the north, where there is scarcely room for it between the base 
of the tumulus and the edge of the precipice upon which it stands. 
This fosse appears to have constituted a barrow for the " commonalty," 
either of soldiers after a conflict, or for the aboriginals of the 
district in peaceful times. The site is very similar to those I am 
about to describe upon Hodge Hill Common, i.e., upon the brow of a 
hill, and exactly the same as the favourite spots selected by the 
ancients for such purposes, and which are well described in some 
beautiful Scaldic or Anglo-Saxon poetry I once met with, but where, 
I cannot now for the life of me recollect. One is so apt to hang 
too many of the things we love upon memory's crupper (like greedy 
children heaping too many toys together), that some of them are sure 
to topple over. And here, my gentle reader, I would recommend 
you not only to make a note-book, but to enter everything in it as 
} T ou mentally jot it down or note it, and not trust to memory, as 
your humble servant has too frequently done. This poetry will, I 
think, be found either in Kemble or Sharon Turner, and I am rather 
inclined to believe in the works of the latter. He was a most 
pleasing and edifying writer. If a castle has stood and gone to decay 
upon the actual site of this tumulus and oval barrow, it is singular 
that neither of them are not more mutilated. If the castle keep was 
erected around this pyramidical tumulus, and the castle walls upon 

v 



290 

the edge of the fosse, they must (especially the latter) have been 
carefully removed when they went to decay. 

And now as to the Roman, Celtic, and Anglo-Saxon barrows I 
promised to divulge the secret of, and describe. They are upon Hodge 
Hill Common, and oh, how vividly I can recollect their first impression 
upon my youthful mind ! It was when I discovered them, my first 
Midsummer holidays, fresh from a " boarding school," and full of 
Roman history, ancient remains, and fortifications, and I distinctly 
recollect crying when I could not magnify them into some such 
interesting objects. I had a vague notion then that Caesar and the 
Romans might be tracked through Germany, Gaul, and Britain by the 
aid of history alone. Now, I know they can with a knowledge of 
Latin, Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, and good maps. 

As before stated, the great military ways of the Romans are 
strewed on either side with the remains of tumuli, barrows, and 
entrenchments. These, viz., those now levelled at Bratingbarrow, the 
larcre tumulus on the so-called " Castle Hills," and the smaller ones 
upon Hodge Hill Common, were, I should say, mostly erected on 
forcing and constructing the Icknield Street up the country, and not 
the Watling Street. They are but about four miles from the former, 
opposite the camp or entrenchment at Old-ford, but at least nine miles 
from the latter at Fazeley, which is the nearest point. Some few 
might have been peaceful interments of an earlier date, and notably 
the large one on the " Castle Hills," perhaps. Wigginshill, from wig= 
war, and Catshill, from cath=battle, are also near the Icknield Street 
and on the Fazeley Road, leading to the junction at Wall on the 
Watling Street. These place names are certainly indicative of contests 
hereabouts. 

The interments upon Hodge Hill Common I will here describe 
before being opened, which is rather a bold undertaking, certainly. 



291 

The largest is a British or Saxon low oval barrow, lying from north 
to south, about one hundred and twenty yards long and thirty-five 
yards wide in the widest part, the thin end approaching close to the 
Birmingham and Coleshill road. There is one described in Bateman's 
" Ten Years Diggings," very similar to this. This barrow has at the 
north-east end of it, and about six yards from its edge, the very 
slight remains of a small low circular barrow, about six yards in 
diameter. About thirty-five yards north-east of this is another low 
circular barrow, about thirty feet diameter, and perfect, with the 
exception of a slight disfigurement by the rabbits. These two small 
barrows are evidently the interments of leaders or chiefs. Similar 
small barrows have been frerpiently found by Bateman (in Derbyshire) 
and others, and always contiguous to and generally at the head or 
sides of larger ones. During the dry summer of 1868, the gorse 
upon Hodge Hill Common was burnt level with the ground, and 
before it grew again I observed, due east, and about ten yards from 
the larse barrow, another small circular barrow similar to the other 
two described, but it was so disfigured by the rabbits as to be scarcely 
recognizable. I fear I must plead guilty to assisting in such desecration, 
for, if I recollect rightly, I assisted in " digging out " somewhere 
hereabouts for conies when very young, and I rather think that a few 
bones turned up, but little was thought about it, as we knew not as 
to what they were ; my companion was as callous as myself. He 
had been an old soldier, and was then a pensioner, and professional 
" rabbit and rat catcher " — the renowned Sam Shaw. The most 
interesting though of these barrows is one, or rather the remains of 
one, evidently Eoman, being a rectangular parallelogram, and what 
now remains of it is exceedingly perfect. It is on the north side of, 
and close to the Birmingham and Coleshill road, on Hodge Hill 
Common, nearly opposite the lane leading off that common to Colehall 



292 

and Yardley. The Colesliill road when made seems to have been 
driven through and taken about one-third of it away. 

This rectangular barrow appears to have been about fifteen yards 
long by five yards originally, and four feet high. These low barrows 
puzzled me immensely when a lad, that is, when I was in what our 
modem geologists would call " a transition period," between the 
ludicrous surmisings of the old county historians (who invariably dubbed 
every protuberance in the earth's surface " Roman or Danish encamp- 
ments "), and the dawning light of Sharon Turner and our early 
Anglo-Saxon scholars. 

As I could not class them under the head of Roman entrench- 
ments, and never thought of barrows, I gave the matter up, and 
never alluded to them upon any occasion. I knew not only from 
tradition of the old folk, but the deeds of the seventeenth century 
show the latest open but cultivated campus or field, and that no part 
of Hodge Hill Common had ever been broken up, even for gardens, 
and then thrown out of cultivation again. 

In fact, these barrows (take the rectangular one for instance) are 
so very small and narrow that the hedges would have shaded and 
rendered useless each enclosure had they been gardens. That this is 
a barrow cut through and partly destroyed is evident upon the face 
of it. Part of it remains, and the presence of the road where the 
other portion would be, accounts for the rest. The slight excavating 
requisite for cutting this road, or rather lowering one side, as it is 
on sloping ground, would extend to the bottom of so small a barrow, 
and so reveal the nature of the interment, or certainly the covering 
stone would be reached if it was of any thickness. In short, there 
the remains of the barrow now are, and it was evidently perfect until 
bisected by the road. Now, it so happens that there is one hoarstone 
— " haran-stan " — very near this barrow, and another at no verv 



293 

considerable distance away ; but before I describe thein I wish to 
make a few remarks upon the subject of hoarstones generally. 

I have a strong conviction, and many proofs, that before they 
were utilized as land marks, they had invariably served as cap, or 
covering, or side stones to cists, cromlechs, and barrows. As a proof, 
I will defy any one to tell me the locality of one single hoarstone 
where I cannot, from the Ordnance map, point out some place name 
near indicative of war and strife ; find some barrow or artificial 
protuberance on the surface of the earth, near, or in the absence of 
these, a local tradition existing that such have been, though now lost 
to sight by cultivation. The pions care observed in these interments 
by the relatives of the deceased extended even to placing relics of 
the departed, such as swords, celts, flints, or arrow heads, drinking 
cups, necklaces, &c, round about the body in the grave mound, which 
solicitude justifies our concluding that they would afterwards adopt 
every available method for making all safe by good covering and side 
stones as a protection from the ravages of wild beasts. And what 
could be more effectual for the purpose than these boulder and other 
large stones? They were called hoarstones, from Saxon har=gray. 
The boulder stones are the only really gray stones to be found in 
this country. The more modern name of " gray wethers " bears out 
this origin of the name. Neither blue lias nor free stones are gray, 
even when weathered to the very utmost ; neither are any of the 
Yorkshire or Derbyshire stones ; whereas a boulder, if chipped a little 
to expose the real grit is a perfect gray. The presence of these two 
boulder stones upon and near to the hill (Hodge Hill) here, tends to 
confirm my previous statement as to these stones having been caught 
or arrested by the hills when floating upon the icebergs into this 
country. When utilized, in the first instance, for covering and side 
stones in interments, and then when disturbed by road making and 



294 

other causes, they would be removed a short distance for land- 
marks, &c, but not far on account of their weight. The two I am 
about to describe are proofs of this. It has been said that these 
stones where found erect were often to commemorate battles. There 
is no real authority for such a statement. I believe that in every 
case the mistake arose from taking the letter H in Har for a W. 
The exact date of the corruption appears in the foregoing charters, 
where it is first hoarstone and then warstone. The nearest of these to 
the rectangular barrow is about two hundred yards only, and is now 
standing at the corner of the lane leading off Hodge Hill Common to 
Bromford and Erdington. It is in the bank of a field of mine in the 
Hay, called in the reference book of the parish plan the " Eight Side 
Lunts "=Bight Side (Londs) Lands, being on the right-hand side of 
the lane. The field (or campus, as it was then called), prior to the 
formation of the lane, adjoined, or rather formed part of, another 
field, now called Warstonefield, on the other side of the lane, which 
name, as appears by some of the earliest of the foregoing charters, 
was Hoarstonelield. See charter of 6th Edward III., A.D. 1333, where 
the lrime first occurs. The first corruption to Warstonefield will be 
seen in one of the deeds of the seventeenth century. Horstongate is 
also named in charter of 1398. See also that of A.D. 1385. It is 
mentioned more than a dozen times in these charters and deeds, so 
that by reference to them the first mistake in the spelling is at once 
detected. This hoarstone (five feet in height when measured from its 
base, which is sunk in the ground) was noted by Mr. Hamper in a 
paper of his, either in the Archasologia or the " Gentleman's Magazine," 

I forget which, but he supposed it to have been in the hamlet of 

M * 
Little Eromwich, which it is not. 

There is a characteristic little anecdote, or tradition, respecting this 

stone I cannot forbear mentioning, confirming as it does our belief in 



295 

the prevalence of priestcraft and superstition once existing amongst our 
simple ancestors. It will be noted that this stone is in a somewhat 
direct line between Bar Beacon and Yardley church, and the legend 
was to the effect that when Yardley church was in course of erection 
the devil threw it from the beacon to arrest the progress of the 
building, but that (the priests) Providence interposed, and it fell here, 
two miles short of its intended destination. This hoarstone, I feel 
confident, was taken from the rectangular barrow when the Birmingham 
and Coleshill road was cut or formed. The other Hoarstone is to be 
seen a little way out of the ground on the canal wharf at Bromford, 
close to the Navigation Inn. It was removed from the corner of the 
lane there when the Birmingham and Fazeley Canal was cut. The 
wharf has been recently raised, and the stone is now covered, but 
previously to its being so I measured it, and it is precisely similar 
to the other, and I believe it came from the same barrow, and was 
removed to this corner of the same lane (for it is in the same lane) 
when the other was, and served as a land-mark also. There is a 
junction or intersection of four roads or lanes here. The cutting of 
the canal diverted the end of one of them, and destroyed the corner 
at which this stone was placed. 

It may at first sight appear as though the existence of these 
barrows upon Hodge Hill Common was the cause of its remaining so 
long unenclosed ; such was not the case, however. These interments 
might have operated as determents to enclosure some five hundred 
years ago, when they were known as such, and respected accordinoly, 
but they have not since been the cause of the common remaining 
unmolested. Every other campus or field of the district has disappeared 
one by one, though each was an open cultivation for a while, as the 
chartered grants of a few sel lions at a time indicates, viz., grants or 
carvings out of Bockenholdfeld=Buck Wood field, Brockhurstfeld=: 



296 

Badger Woodfield, Hoarstonefeld, afterwards called Warstonefield, Cross 
Field, Two Cross Field, Hurstfield= Woodfield, Hej^field, Hern (heron) 
field, and the like. The real cause of this little common remaining 
in its primitive state so long is entirely owing to the number of 
roads meeting here in a point, as it were. Each road would have to 
be fenced on each side, which, with the expenses of enclosure, 
surveying, plans, legal and parliamentary expenses, would eat up too 
much of the acreage, and leave but very little to be brought into 
cultivation. 

The word Hodge, in Hodge Hill, is perhaps the most uncouth to 
be found in local nomenclature, and it is one of those kind of words 
well calculated to show that guessing in etymology is like prophesying, 
dangerous without one knows, for, notwithstanding its at first sight apparent 
clownishness, its origin, when known, satisfies at once the fastidiousness 
of the most finical. It is in reality pure Norman -French, from 
hotchpot = to shake. This I explained some years ago in Notes and 
Queries. In Eyton's Salop, vols. hi. and iv., bound together, p. 234, 
hotchpot is mentioned as early as A.D. 1282, It can be traced up 
to the Conquest, or nearly so. It is called " Chattock's Hodge " in 
several of the foregoing deeds. It ran from the hoarstone or land- 
mark, and included the Hoarstone field (now Warstone on parish plan) 
and all the land on the left of the Bromford and Erdington Lane to 
the Birmingham and Coleshill road. 



POSTSCRIPT. 



I must again apologise for obtruding with family documents upon 
the public, but though I allege the real reason, viz., that the great 
antiquity of many of them, and the local incidents connected with 
the others, induced me to think that the venture of publishing would 
be financially successful, I am conscious that this admission will not 
be satisfactory to some people. Nothing would, I am convinced. So 
be it. I have been in possession of these documents thirty -four years, 
and never once thought of publishing until I wished to make 
something of them. 

For the corrections, or rather want of corrections, whilst passing- 
through the press, I must also crave the indulgence of my readers, 
but when I state that this was undertaken when under a mental and 
physical strain of fourteen hours' work per day (or rather twelve hours' 
mental work and two hours' in walking to and from it), and that the 
author often found himself asleep under the process, I think that the 
errors should be overlooked. I will call attention to three of them 
only, viz., on page 1, where Providence is spelt without the capital P, 
and Cedron is spelt Kedron, in which I thoughtlessly followed the 
" new version." This is not a mere affectation. It is an error. The 
soft should always be used before the vowels e, i, and y, as in 
Cedar, City, and Cyprus. Cedron is from Cedar, Cedar-an, the district 
of the Cedars, a clump of which trees surrounded the garden. Keltic 
for Celtic is now often used by those who wish to show, or affect 
a knowledge of Greek. Soft C and S, as in Cigar, Sigar, &c, and 



298 

hard C and K, as in Calendar, Kalendar, &c, would be as legitimately 
interchangeable as I and J, but the reverse, i.e., hard C with S, and 
soft C with K, is grossly erroneous. Also at p. 153, the word worst 
is spelt with a capital, leading the reader to suppose that there is a 
place of that name, whereas it simply means the worst land in that 
district. I must also acknowledge that an apparent series of repetitions 
would, to a casual reader, seem to pervade this work, but a closer 
scrutiny will, I think, reveal the fact that such are merely emphatic 
reiterations purposely introduced to arrest the attention of etymologists 
and antiquaries. 

The fac-simile of the charter of Henry of Erdington, Knight, at 
the end of this work, is from the Ward Collection of Charters and 
Deeds, and given as a specimen for my Second Series of Antiquities. 
The term ap le Barre, apud le Barre = at the Bar, occurring on the 
third line of this charter, clearly shows the correctness of my conjecture 
in this volume as to the encampment on the Icknield Street at 
Oldford giving rise to the name of Barr. The whole wording of what 
the lawyers call " the premises " in this charter (and which will be 
fully set forth in the second series), substantiates this to the letter. 
The fac-simile of the deed of 22nd July, A.D. 1695, given at page 
254, and in which the term " Antient inheritance called the Hay " 
occurs, was (excepting, of course, the " Bills of cost " part of the 
business) what the lawyers call " a legal fiction," or rather it embodied 
one respecting a portion of the land in mortgage. 

The author is sorry that time has not allowed him to mark 
the interments upon Hodge Hill Common and Camp at Oldford upon 
the map with the scale, but I think the plan will be found sufficiently 
correct to ascertain the exact locus in quo. Upon further consideration, 
I think that the district of Wall and Chesterfield was the Presidium 
of the Romans, and that it was long occupied by the commander-in- 



299 

chief of the Roman forces in Britain after the intersection of the two 
Roman ways at Wall was effected. This he hopes to clear up in his 
Second Series. 

The subject matter of this work, the antiquities of our own 
country, cannot possibly require an apology. The (I ought not to say) 
man who professes or pretends that he cannot appreciate it, appears 
to me like one who, having lost his mother in early life, and on 
being introduced to some one who could tell him all about her, 
carelessly turns away from such a narrative. To me such a want of 
interest in our dear mother country seems simply unnatural. 

One regret, and one only, I feel at having taken up this subject 
with such warmth, i.e., for fear of adding fuel to that name which 
some forty years ago was purposely kindled, with a view to create 
excessive enthusiasm for, and veneration of, ecclesiastical archeology, 
and which, with other agencies, promises at no distant date to lead 
us back to " saint " toe nail worship. Being aware of this, I have 
not put forth my own lucubrations without corrective antidotes. 

This subject naturally leads one to contemplate and compare the 
conduct of God's favoured people with our own, and as to how prone 
they were to lapse into idolatry and superstition immediately after 
each successive chastisement and restoration to favour. The parallel 
will, I fear, be but too faithfully carried out to the end. The Jews 
after each scourging and cleansing from idolatry and superstition, 
reverted to it again. We have done, and are doing the same, notwith- 
standing our opportunities at the preaching of Wickliffe, the Reformation, 
death of Charles I., and abdication of James II. The parallel is 
perfect and complete in every way, excepting that our ultimate 
declension promises to be that of the vast bulk of the whole people 
becoming totally estranged from all religion, whilst a nominal profession 
will be given by the " powers that be " and the " upper " classes. 



300 

On the contrary, at the final destruction of the Jewish nation the 
exact reverse was the case ; the great mass of the people believed 
Jesus to be the true Messiah, and the governing powers rejected 
him. 

This, I take it, is quite apparent from the following scheme, and would 
always have appeared so if the import of scripture history had not 
hitherto been invariably inverted. 



A True Account of the Actual Reception of Jesus Christ 

by the People. 



His flat rejection, bitter persecution, 
scourging, mock trial and cruel crucifixion 
by the red royalists, State priests, and 
conservative mob, who (like their servile 
sires of old) rejected the God of heaven 
for their king, and besottedly hugged a 
foreign tyranny to their faithless breasts, 
saying, " We have no king but Csesar." 



" Jesus was mighty in deed and word 
before God and all the "people, and the 
chief priests, and our riders delivered him to 
be condemned to death, and have crucified 
Mm." — Luke chap. xxiv. vs. 19, 20. 



Sei 



He is cordially received and loyally fol- 
lowed by the great majority of the people, 
who testified that " this is of a truth 
that Prophet that should come into the 
world," and " who took up the sword, 
smote one of the servants of the high 
priest," and "would have taken Him by 
force to make Him a king, if Jesus had 
not concealed Himself by ' ' departing into 
a mountain Himself alone. — John c. vi. 
vs. 14, 15. The foregoing is evident from 
the testimony of His enemies, viz. : " Then 
gathered the chief priests, a council, and 
said, If we let Him alone, all men will 
believe on Him, and from that day forth 
they took council together for to put him 
to death." — John chap. xi. vs. 47, 48, 
and 53. 

The Pharisees therefore said amongst 
themselves, " Perceive ye how ye prevail 
nothing; behold the world is gone after Him." 
— John c. xii. v. 19. 



jo See also 

Matthew, chap. ii. vs. 1-4-16, chap. ix. Matthew, chap. iv. v. 25, chap. v. v. 1, 

v. 3, chap. xii. v. 24, chap. xix. v. 3, chap. vii. vs. 28, 29, chap. viii. v. 1, 

chap. xx. v. 18, chap. xxi. v. 15, chap. xxi. chap. ix. vs. 8-36, chap. xii. v, 23, chap. 



301 

v. 46, chap. xxvi. vs. 3, 4, chap, xxvii. xiii. vs. 2-34, chap. xv. v. 31, chap. xix. 
v - 1. v. 2, chap. xx. v. 29, chap. xxi. v. 8, 

chap. xxii. v. 33. 

Mark, chap. iii. vs. G-22. chap. viii. Mark, chap. i. vs. 37-45, chap. ii. v. 2, 
vs. 11-31, chap. x. v. 2, chap. xi. vs. chap. ii. v. 4, chap. ii. v. 15, chap. iii. 
18-32, chap. xii. vs. 12, 13, chap. xiv. vs. 7, 8-20, chap. iv. vs. 1-36, chap. v. 
vs. 1, 2, chap. xiv. vs. 10, 11, chap. xiv. v. 24-31, chap. vi. vs. 33-55, 56, chap. vii. 
vs. 55-57, chap. xv. vs. 1-10. v. 14-33-37, chap. viii. v. 1, chap. ix. vs. 

14, 15, chap. x. vs. 1-46. 

Luke, chap. vi. v. 11, chap. ix. v. 7, Luke, chap. ii. v. 52, chap. iv. vs. 
chap. xi. v. 54, chap. xiii. v. 31, chap. 14, 15-22-37-42, chap. v. vs. 1-26, chap. vi. 
xix. vs. 47, 48, chap. xx. vs. 6-19-20-26, vs. 17-19, chap. vii. vs. 11-16, chap, viii, 
chap. xxii. vs. 2-6. vs. 4-40-42-45, chap. ix. vs. 11-37, chap. xii. 

v. 1, chap. xiii. v. 17, chap. xiv. v 25, 
chap. xix. vs. 37, 38, chap. xx. vs. 45-47, 
chap. xxi. v. 38, chap. xxii. vs. 49, 50, 
chap, xxiii. v. 27. 

John, chap. ix. v. 22, chap. xi. vs. John, chap. iii. v. 26, chap. iv. vs. 
47, 48-53-57, chap. xii. vs. 10, 11-19, chap. 89-42-45, chap. vi. vs. 2-5-14, 15, chap. vii. 
xix. v. 6. vs. 26 32-40, chap. viii. vs. 2-30, chap. x. 

41, 42, chap. xi. v. 45, chap. xii. vs. 

12, 13-42. 

In the four gospels the followers of Jesus are in more than 
seventy passages called respectively " an innumerable multitude," " a 
very great multitude," " whole multitude," " great multitude," " great 
company," " all the people," " the people," " all men," " much people," 
" great numbers," " all," " multitude," " people, ' " many," and " press." 

Now, as we know that the Herodians, chief priests, scribes, 
pharisees, and doctors (" D.D.s ") were not his followers, the foregoing 
terms could not mean the whole of the Jewish people, but simply 
the very great majority, so likewise in the two passages where the 
Tory mob, red royalists, and State priests, who clamoured for the 
crucifixion, were called the people — it simply means that the minority 
(mob) was by no means inconsiderable, which was natural enough, 
considering the congenial work to be done. 



302 

Yes, " the very great multitude," " the innumerable multitude," who 
followed Jesus, as truly believed Him to be the promised Messiah, as 
did the beloved John, the fiery Paul, or the impetuous Peter, for 
even they were not, of course, really converted until after the ascension. 
There ought not to be two opinions as to this. The gentle Jesus 
(who entered Jerusalem upon an ass, in derision of all earthly 
sovereignty), had to hide himself upon one occasion to prevent his 
followers from forcibly proclaiming Him " king," or Messiah, so that 
they, too, were infatuated with the idea of royalty being the grand 
panacea for all earthly ills. Verily, that great divine, Milton, was 
right when he stated that " all Orientals are much addicted to slavery, 
and the Jews in particular." 

Here I will draw a comparison between the Jews and ourselves, 
as two favoured peoples and countries, viz., Is not ours " a good 
land," " a land of brooks of water, that spring out of hills ; a land of 
wheat, and barley, and vines ; a land whose stones are iron, and out 
of whose hills thou mayest dig brass ? " — Deut. chap. viii. Have we 
not "much cattle?" — Deut. chap. iii. Have we not (lent unto us) 
" cattle upon a thousand hills ? "— Psl. 1. Is it not a land " flowing 
with milk and honey, which is the glory of all lands ? "■ — Ezk. 
chap. xx. There may sometimes be " pestilence, blasting, mildew, or 
caterpiller ! " — Deut. chap. iv. ; but the evil is always our own creating, 
and the remedy ever within our reach, as, vide that infallible old recipe 
Book, viz., " Let the people praise Thee, God ; let all the people 
praise Thee. Then shall the earth yield her increase ; and God, even 
our own God, shall bless us. — Psl. lxvii. 

And, in our case, has not the bounteous author of all these good 
gifts far exceeded the promise made to his favoured people of old, 
that in " blessing " he would so bless, and in " multiplying " he would 
so " multiply their seed, that it should become as the stars of heaven, 



and as the sands upon the sea shore ? " — Gen. chap. xxii. Yes, truly ! 
and though we cannot now say that ours is a land wherein we can 
" eat bread without scarceness," still the filial piety of that famous, if 
fabled, daughter of old Eome, who suckled her aged parent at her 
own breast, has been immeasurably surpassed by our heavenly Father, 
raising up unto us those fair and blooming American, Canadian, and 
Australasian daughters, who, from " their green laps throw " a profusion 
of perennial produce to the mother country. More than this, has He 
not well-nigh overwhelmed us with kindness, by bestowing also upon 
us not only necessaries but luxuries also, in those twin daughters and 
brilliant brunettes =Eastern and Western India. 

Talk of " favoured peoples," of " lands of promise," of " good 
lands." " Ask now of the days that are past, which were before thee 
since the day that God created man upon the earth, and ask from 
the one side of heaven unto the other whether there hath been any 
such thing as this great thing is, or hath been heard like it?" — 
Deut. chap. iv. 

Ought we not to " tell our children of it," that they may " tell 
their children, and their children another generation ? " — Joel chap. i. 

Can we not exclaim with the old German poet, Scheffler : 

" God of good, the unfathomed sea, 
Who would not give his heart to Thee ; 
Who would not love Thee with his might ? " 

He has been more lavish still than this. One of the gravest 

charges against God's favoured people was that they did not, as ordered, 

destroy the idolatrous peoples they were sent against, but spared some 

of them, married with them (against express commands) and took up 

with their idolatries. We, as a people, have been quite as prone to 

idolatry and superstition, and without any commission to subjugate a 

single country, have, with the exception of Eome, pagan and papal, 

been the most bloodthirsty and rapacious of all the earth's tyrants. 



304 

Knowing this, the all-merciful disposer of the universe has so kindly 
brought it to pass, that now we are not only dependent upon America 
and our colonies for common necessaries of life, but to some extent 
to our so-called " ancient enemies," France, Russia, and other countries 
also. The toothless old tigress, England, cannot, therefore, in her dotage 
be so powerful for evil as heretofore, for fear of being curtailed in 
supplies This will, no doubt, ultimately prove a great blessing to our 
children's children, and many bare-backed savages not yet " civilized." 

And now I wish to call attention as to how we have requited 
the Almighty for these boundless mercies. One would think that, in 
return for them, we should be the most religious of all peoples. 
Instead of this being the case, however, the writer contends that the 
great majority (quite five-eighths) of the people of this country have 
given up all pretensions to religion, and never enter any place of 
worship whatever. The most numerous class, i.e., the working class, 
are, comparatively speaking, never seen to darken the doors of either 
church or chapel. The author for the last forty years has had peculiar 
opportunities for testing this, and watching the gradual extinction of 
the religious sentiment among-st this most numerous class, both in the 
metropolis and all parts of the country. He has never joined any of 
the " churches," but during the whole of this period has scarcely 
missed a single Sunday without attending some place of worship, and 
as often as he could a fresh one, and of a different sect. The result 
is that he will defy the most popular preachers of the day, either in 
church or chapel, to muster more than two per cent, of their 
congregations, who are genuine working men, and between the ages 
of twenty-one and thirty-five. They cannot produce one per cent., 
unless it is of old people, with one leg in the grave, as it were. 
The Romanists, taking town and country together, can muster from 
seven to ten per cent. They are the only sect in which the number 



305 

of working class members are increasing, and if we take into account 
the numerous converts or perverts amongst the " upper " classes and 
the " middle " class ritualists of the " establishment," their increase is 
most remarkable. 

The Episcopalians and Nonconformists have no influence amongst 
the genuine working classes, even in the country districts now. The 
women even are rapidly discontinuing church-going, excepting in those 
villages where the whole of the farms, cottages, " living," and parson 
belong to the " lord " of the manor, and he is a resident. In such 
cases some of them with families attend occasionally for appearance 
sake, and to secure the Christmas doles. 

The " lower middle class " also, such as small shopkeepers or 
hucksters, have almost ceased to frequent either church or chapel. 

There is not a single exception to this invariable rule of the 
great mass of working people absenting themselves from every kind 
of public worship, not even amongst the newest or (in point of 
number) most insignificant sect, either in the establishment or out of 
it, excepting the Eomish. If any one doubts this, let him commence 
next Sunday at Ins own place of worship and judge for himself. He should 
attend early, and sit near to the entrance. He would then discover, 
as I have done, that, comparatively speaking, none but " genteel " 
people attend any place of worship. The only agencies or influences 
now being brought to bear effectively upon the masses are Eomanism, 
Atheism (associated, of course, with anarchical principles), and to some 
extent Mormonism. A slight influence of a beneficial kind was but 
recently working in the shape of a little, quiet open-air street preaching 
by a few Wesleyans on Sundays, but, as was doubtless intended, the 
" Salvation Army " has purposely driven this from the field, and will 
soon cause it to be forbidden by law, which is doubtless what they 
desire. " Genteel " people do not think ; if they did, even for a 

w 



306 

moment, they would perceive that the millions spent annually in 
" religious " services have converted no one but themselves ; also that 

a 

the yearly outlay for home and foreign missions, and charitable and 
philanthropical purposes, is not equivalent to a hundredth part of the 
amount spent in the same period for naval and military purposes, 
police, reformatories, detection of smuggling, adulteration, using 
false weights and measures, licenses for intoxicating drinks, cigars, 
tobacco, sporting, racing, game preserving, and other luxuries. Yet 
they say, " all is well ; " I say, " all is well that ends well," and that 
as of old, " the prophets (politicians) prophesy falsely, the priests 
(parsons and ministers) bear rule by their means, and (genteel) people 
love to have it so, and what ivill ye do in the end thereof?''' — Jer. 
chap. v. 

This is the question, and I contend that in about three generations, 
say in the days of our children's children, the people of this country 
will either be found writhing under the heel of a military despotism, 
based upon and " backed and bridled " by the basest superstition, or 
that " good society," the " upper ten," the " great middle class," 
" billocracy and tillocracy," in short, all " gentility," and even royalty 
also, will be seen prostrate, and crying aloud for an English Lamartine 
or Gambetta to deliver them from their own hideous offspring — discord 
and rebellion. Nothing can prevent it but that which can never 
happen — the intervention of a just God on behalf of " such a nation 
as this." He did not so interpose on behalf of his favoured people 
of old, and we cannot expect a more lenient sentence. The pure 
gospel was never fully preached throughout France. She had four 
opportunities of obtaining this privilege, viz., in 1792, 1830, 1848, and 
in 1870. She has embraced the last, and seems now in a fair way 
to emerge into the light. We also have had four and much earlier 
opportunities, viz., the preaching of WicklifFe, the Reformation, death 



307 

of Charles L, and abdication of James II. We have not embraced 
either of them effectively, and considering the date of the latter event, 
must now either be gradually crawling back to superstition and 
slavery, or have hurried far on the road to the other alternative I 
have named — discord and rebellion. 

The subject is vast and most momentous. It has been to the 
author a study of forty years, and the reader will find the result of 
it in the " Eich Eelative," advertised at the end of this work, and 
in which he believes that it is clearly deduced and demonstrated from 
principles, prophesy, and precedent, that one or other of the alternatives 
he has named will be our inevitable doom. 















} fy 










3gSS6fei>-—i*': 









SHOETLY "W I H. L BE PUBLISHED, 

THE SECOND SERIES 

ANTIQUITIES, 

IN ONE VOLUME, QUARTO, 
WITH MAPS AND FAC-SIMILE OF AN ANCIENT CHARTER, 

PRICE 2 1/-, 

AND COMPRISING TRANSLATIONS, COPIES AND ABSTRACTS FROM THE WARD, AND OTHER COLLECTIONS 
OF CHARTERS AND DEEDS, DATING FROM TEMP. EDWARD FIRST 

ALSO, 

THE CREME DE LA CREME OF THE REGISTER OF THE "GILDE SANCTE ANNE DE KNOWLE " (A.D. 1407), 

now in the Birmingham Free Library. OTHER BARROWS, OR GRAVE MOUNDS, NEAR BIRMINGHAM. 

LOCAL NOTES AND QUERIES. WARWICKSHIRE FOLK LORE. 

THE REAL MEANING OF THE MUCH DISPUTED PASSAGE IN SHAKESPEARE, AS TO THE "FITCHEW AND 

SOILED HORSE" SHOWING THE MARVELLOUS UNIVERSALITY OF THE POET'S KNOWLEDGE; 

OTHER HAYS, HOARSTONES, OLD MOATS, &c. 

NUMEROUS NOTES CONFIRMATORY, ILLUSTRATIVE AND IN AMPLIFICATION OF THE STATEMENTS AND 

FACTS PUT FORTH IN THE "FIRST SERIES." 

By CHRISTOPHER CHATTOCK, 

SURVEYOR, 

And a Contributor for several years to " Notes and Queries," on Anglo-Saxon and other Antiquarian Subjects. 



FORM OF SUBSCRIPTION. 



To Messrs. WHITE d PIKE, Printers and Bookbinders, 
Moor Street, Birmingham. 
Please enter my Xante as a Subscriber for Cop of the Second Series 

of Antiquities, at the price of 21/- per Copy. 

Name, ... 

Address 



Pate, 188 



^trctfcn- 





JyTBarburp 
(Ifbcsterfeoa 



Itlap 



Of Wall, Chesterfield and District, 

being mld-blutain, and probable 

PRESIDIUM" of the Roman Generals, together with 

the Roman Ways all converging thereto, 

and the equi-distant stations marked cron them. 



o 6 3 * 
















•^ 













7> 







.** ^ l 



























,V\ N 



^ ■% 



















































.A 



■P 



•** 



'->. 



^ 





















































V* 






































































o5 '^ 







































-■? << 













%** 



























•> 





















\ l 












•%. 












\"* 






























y^ 















^ 



















































^ -a> 









^0^ 



^ 






















































\ v ' 




































